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Griesinger, Theodor ^r^Karl Theodor, 1809-1884. 

The Jesuits ; a complete history of their open and se- 
cret proceedings from the foundation of the order to the 
present time, told to the German people, by Theodor 
Griesmger ... New York, O. P. Putnam's sons, 1883. 

2 V. front, (port.) 23^'^'', 

Printed in Great Britain. 
Translated by A. J. Scott. 

I. Scott, Andrew James, tr. 


Library of Congress 



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There is a structure iu the world, to 'the completion 
of which every thinking man is bound to lend his 
assistance, I mean the fabric of intellectual light and 
spiritual freedom, without which real and material 
liberty cannot be attained. Providence has given to 
some few the power of contributing a corner-stone, or 
even an entire pillar, to this building, and those few 
are the " Spiritual Knights " of whom Heine sings. 
But even when to the remainder this power is wanting, 
are they on that account to lay their hands on their 
lap and totally refrain from labour, when, perhaps, 
they might be in a position to pass on towards this 
erection the mortar and small stones ? I say " No " ; 
and upon this '' No "have I completed the " History 
of the Jesuits." May this book contribute a little, if 
not to the stripping-off of the fetters of superstition 
and spiritual thraldrom in which so many hundred 
thousands are still bound, at all events to the loosening 
of them and to the preparation for casting them aside. 
More I do not expect. * 




The new edition of my *' History of the Jesuits " is 
the best proof that the book has done its work. It 
has found thousands of readers, and no one has put 
it aside without having obtained a proper idea of 
this Society, so worthy of condemnation. And 
seeing, now, that the Imperial Government has ranged 
itself on our side, let us hope that the accursed ban 
by which, through the influence of the Jesuits, the 
spiritual resurrection of our fatherland has been 
restrained, will now be removed from Germany. 

Firstly, the crushing of the Empire's enemies, and 
now the attack on the foes of light ! When was 
there ever for Germany a greater epoch? 

Jtily, 1872. 




Ignatius Loyola becomes Holy 




The Vicissitudes op the New Saint and the Seven 

First Jesuits 15 


Loyola in Rome 


The Organization and Statute Book op the New Order 46 

Ignatius Loyola as General op the Order . 

. 54 




The Jesuit Missions in Distant Regions of the World 85 

The Powerful Influence of the Jesuits in Europe . 145 









The Old Adam under the Mask of Holiness 


• 283 

Chapter II. is omitted, 

The Spiritual Exercises, or the Refinement of 

Enjoyment . 

. 306 





The Confessional as the Key to the Money-chest . 333 

Robbery and Theft among Laity and Ecclesiastics . 358 


Jesuit Commerce and Usury, combined with Fraudu- 
lent Bankruptcy 410 






Der Tetilel sasa in der HöU* und krümmt sich vor Sohmerta 

Weil der Mönch Luther sich gefasset das Herz 

Einzugreifen in der Welten King, 

Und zu stürzen die Alte Ordnung der Ding'. 

"Ist nicht genug," so heult er, " dass es weithm schalt 

Dass die Arge sich wagt an die geistliche Gewalt ? 

Muss er auch noch mein eigen Beich und Dominium, 

Sich erkühnen zu stürzen um und um ? ^ _^ ,. Tmiit 

Bei meiner Grossmutter, er ist im Stand und erohert die HöU 

Wenn ich ihm nicht eine grossere Macht entgegenstell' I 

Doch wer hilft mir in dieser schweren Noth, 

Wo die Welt aus den Fugen zu gehen droht? " 

So heult der Satan und schlug sich vor's Hirn 

Dass blutgefärht war bald die schwarze Stirn. 

Da trat er die Schlang' zu ihm und alt giftig' Thier 

Welcher von Bosheit, Trug und List der Bauch berstet schier. 

Und flüstert' ihm leis' ein paar wort' in's Ohr, 

Der Teufel in seinem Innern nicht eins davon verlor, 

Aufsprang er und erleichtert schwoll ihm die Brust 

Und sein Auge leuchtet vor Wonn' und Lust. 

Neun Monat drauf ein Weib einen Jungen gebar, 

Dess' Name Don Innigo von Loyola war. 

Aus der alten Reimschronik des Pater Cyprian, 


The Devil sat m hell and doubled himself up with pam, because the monk 
Luther was courageous enough to encroach on the round world, and to 
upset the old order of things. " Is it not sufficient," he screamed, " that it 
resounds from afar that the wicked one dares to venture an attack on the 
spiritual power ; must he also be bold enough to turn everything upside 
down in my own kingdom and dominion ? By my grandmother, he has 
taken up a position and will rob hell if I do not oppose him by a greater 
power And who will help me in this severe exigency, when the world 
threatens to depart from its course ? " Thus howled Satan, and flogged his 
brains in such a way as to make his black forehead the colour of blood. At 
this juncture the Serpent approached him, the old poisonous beast, who 
nearly burst his belly with malice, deceit, and cunning, and whispered 
softly a couple of words into his ear. The Devil lost not a syllable in his 
innermost thoughts. Up he sprang, and his swollen breast was relieved, 
and his eye shone again with pleasure and lust. Nine months after that a 
woman gave birth to a youngster whose name was Don Innigo de 

Fromlthe old Rhymes of Father Cyprian. 




It is a fact regarding which, accordin.^ to the views of all 
enlightened people, the Germans have reason to be not a little 
proud, that almost all orders of monks belong to the Romaic 
speaking races, i,e. French, Italian, and Spanish, the Germans 
not having the slightest connection therewith. Thus formerly 
the widelv extended Order of the Benedictines has to thank for 
its origin the holy Benedict of Nursia in Umbria, a province of 
Italy. So also the Carnal dolenses, whose founder was the holy 
Bomuald, from the family of the Dukes of Ravenna, while 
they derive their name from the Abbey of Camaldoli near Arezzo 
in the Appenines. The grey monks of Vallombrosa come from 
Fiesoli in the territory of Florence. Further, the Carthusians 
so named from the solitude of La Chartreuse near Grenoble, 
where the holy Bruno, in the year 1086, built the first 
hermitage for the companions of his persuasion. Then come the 
Cölestines, called into existence by the hermit Peter de Murrhone, 
who in the year 1294 ascended the Papal throne under the name 
of Cölestine V. ; after them we find the Cistercians created by 
Robert Abbot of Citeaux, or Cistercium, followed by the Sylves- 
trians, the Grandimontines, and others. In like manner the 
Augustines and all those congregations who regulated their 
cloisters according to the rules of the holy Augustus, viz. the 
Pr6monstratenses,* the Servites, the Hieronymites, the Jesuaden, 

• I am well aware that this Order was founded by the Canon Norbert, 
from Zanthen, in the territory of Cleve, a man of German extraction, who 
was afterwards, from his zeal for the Ohurch, nominated Archbishop of 



and the Cannelites, as well as the Dominicans, Franciscans, and 
Capuchines, along with iheMinimen, the Minorites, and the whole 
tribe of Beggar Orders, have all likewise a pure Italian origin. The 
fact is, that all the cloisters and instituted Orders have, in a word, 
their homes to find in Italy, France, and Spain. The reason 
thereof is not difficult to discover. The spirit of the German 
nation is, indeed, by no means of a very imaginative nature, 
and does not allow itself to be overruled by fancy, especially in 
regard to religion. In other words, the German has altogether 
a too cold-blooded, calculating, deliberate temperament, to allow 
himself to be easily and thanklessly enthusiastic, and is much 
more inclined to indulge in subtle inquiries and investigations : 
on this account expelled from Rome in a most bitter way, the 
chief heresy, namely, Protestantism, owes its birth to Germany. 

In reviewing all these many orders more closely, or even 
merely running over their names superficially, the question 
naturally suggests itself, which of them might be considered 
the best, the most excellent and most esteemed ? This question 
was formerly much discussed, especially among the Orders them- 
selves, and it gave rise among them to an infinity of strife, 
jealousy, discord, and mutual depreciation. In short, formal 
war took place between the individual Orders, and I need only 
mention Thomists and Scotists (Dominicans and Franciscans, the 
former followers of Thomas Aquinus, the latter of Duns Scotus) 
in order to render superfluous all further explanation. If, in 
this manner, disputes took place among the members of the 
Orders themselves, how much less could the public, the lay world, 
be expected to agree as to their value or excellence, especially 
while the national jealousy of French, Italian, and Spanish was 
mixed up with the question. 

In the sixteenth century, two circumstances occurred which at 
once put a termination to the contention, namely, the Reforma- 
tion and the institution of the Order of the Jesuits. 

Magdeburg, and still later translated, indeed, among the saints ; but in the 
first place the Premonstratensea are only a new edition of the " Canonici 
regularis Sancti Augustini," who, it was well known, derived their ongin 
from Italy; secondly, Norbert lived so long in France that he was no longer 
German, but simply thought and acted as French ; thirdly and lastly, the 
foundation really took place in France, namely, in Sprenge, m the Bishopric 
of Laon in the forest of Coney, on a meadow indicated by heaven itself 
{Pr€ montre, hence the name Premonstratenses), and the immigration of the 
brethren of the Order into Germany only took place several years after- 

Before the clearing thunderbolts launched forth by the 
Reformers, Monachisra, then flourishing, could no longer 
maintain itself; so it collapsed like a decayed building, and 
all its former admirers were at once converted into mockers and 
scorners, if not into haters and persecutors. 

On the other hand, through this Reformation, that is, by the 
insight thereby obtained, the Catholic world and the Papacy 
could no longer possibly, by the means hitherto employed, ward 
off the frightful attacks with which it was assailed ; so a new 
Order, I mean that of the Jesuits, was called into existence, 
which at once not only threw totally into the shade all previous 
monkish brotherhoods, but which accomplished more in a single 
century than the whole of them put together had effected during 
the long period of their existence. All were amazed at the new 
Order, and all, whether friend or foe, were unanimous in the 
belief that the Jesuits, in relation to power, influence, exten- 
sion, empire, and mastery, had made even the impossible pos- 
sible. All, however, agreed, that never so long as the earth had 
been inhabited by man had there been a society so steeped in 
meanness and vileness as were the Jesuits ; indeed, should the 
tenth part of the crimes and shameful deeds attributed to them 
be true, they are unworthy to exist among men. Briefly, every- 
one could not but admire the intellect, the extraordinary activity, 
and the remarkable organisation of the Order of Jesuits ; on the 
one hand, there were numbers who actuallv shuddered at the 
bare mention of their name, whilst, on the other, not a few broke 
out into excessive and rapturous praises of the fraternity. 

Thus was it judged of the Jesuitical Order in the last century, 
and precisely the same opposite opinions may be heard in the 
present day, when the Order seems about again to raise itself in 
all its pristine glory. Under these circumstances can it be other- 
wise than of the highest interest to hear something more in 
detail of this society ? Is it not the duty of the historian, then, 
to make people acquainted with all that is true respecting this 
hate and this admiration, and to penetrate into all the secrets 
with which the Jesuits are alleged to be surrounded ? 

I believe the only answer to this question must be an unqua- 
lified Yes, and thus will I at once forthwith begin to make the 
reader acquainted with the founder of this Order. His country 
is also a foreign one, as in the case of the founders of all the 




Other Orders. Spain, indeed, that most Catholic of all Cathoho 
countries, had the good fortune to hring him into the wor d. In 
the Basque province of Guipuscoa, between the two small towns 
of Azcoitia and Azpeitia, rose a proud feudal castle, which 
belonged from the thirteenth century to a highly aristocratic 
family bearing the name of Loyola, and in this castle, the 
ancestral seat, resided towards the end of the 15th century, 
Bertram, son of Perez, lord of Loyola and Ogne, or, as it is also 
written, Onate. As spouse he had Donna Marianna Saez of 
Licona and Balda, so called from her father being the knight 
Martin Garcia de Licona and her mother the Marchioness de 
Balda ; but to this high-sounding title her dowry did not at all 
correspond, consequently Knight Bertram found himself pos- 
sessed of no very splendid property, besides the two casdes and 
the land surrounding them. More fruitful, however, was it 
ordered in the domain of love, seeing that the tender pair were 
blessed by degrees with eleven children*-seven sons and four 
daughters ; of the former, the youngest, who came into the 
world in 14<J1, i.e. eight years after the birth of Luther, 
received the baptismal name of Don Innigo (or Ignatius) Lopez 
de Ricalde in the church of the holy Sebastian de Soreasu m 
the before-mentioned small town of Azpeitia. This IgnaUus was 
destined to become the founder of the most celebrated and at the 
same time the most iU-famed Order ever instituted. Don Innigo 
showed, while yet a boy, the most remarkable capabihties, but 
unfortunately they were not cultivated as they might have been, 
it being thought unnecessary for him to do more as regards 
learning than to be able to read and write his own mother- 
tongue. Moreover, an uncle domiciled at Arevalo in old Castile, 
with whom he passed the greater part of bis childhood, had him 
instructed in fencing, dancing, and playing on the mandoline, in 

• Some biographers make out that there were fourteen children, nine sonj 
^..A fivf Lnehte?s but the names of eleven only are preserved to us, and 
t^ese are ÄowB :^^^^^^^ Joannes, who lost his life in the Neapohtao 
war ?2^ Don MMtüius. who inherited Loyola on the death of Joannes; 
S^Don Bertram, who also died young on the field of Wona ; (4) Don Ochoa, 
(6) von ^ev^**"*' . , i ^^^ (5) po^ Hernandus, who died m India ; 

TeteVetus, whfeX^^^^^ and who officiated in the cathedral 

if Aspezia that is, in that of the holy Sebastian ; (7) Don Innigo. whose life 
? am now describing; (8) Donna Magdalena, married to Don Joannes Lopez 
de GaUay It^ui ; ^) Doina Mariana, married to Don Stephane de Arqueza; 
aO) Äa K^eriia, married to Don Joannes de Martmez de Lasuo; 
(11) Donna Maria, who died unmarried. 


all which accomplishments the young Innigo was made to excel. 
At the age of fourteen, Don Antonio Mariquez, Duke of Majera, 
and grandee of Spain, a distant relation of the Loyola family, 
obtained for him the situation of page at the Court of Ferdinand 
and Isabella, and here, in this brilliant and luxurious atmo- 
sphere, he received the last finishing strokes of his knightly 
education. In other words, he learned to make love declarations 
to the ladies in finely-turned phrases — sung, it may be well 
understood, to the accompaniment of the mandoline — and when 
the jealousy of husbands, brothers, and bridegrooms was raised 
thereby, he was quite ready to defend himself in his nightly 
serenades sword in hand. In a word, he obtained for himself, as 
did others of his age and rank, the reputation of being a very 
vain, high-spirited, and withal eccentric but at the same time 
agreeable, brave, and self-sacrificing comrade, who never broke his 
word. With all this, he was well made, and had a broad open 
forehead, grey eyes, and a fine roman nose somewhat bent, a 
healthy colour, and a symmetrical strong build, though not above 
the middle height. It was, therefore, not to be wondered at that 
he obtained favour with the fair sex, without on that account 
being unpopular with the men. After he had thus employed 
himself during several years in such-like trifling, and esta- 
blished for himself the reputation of beiog a first-rate " Cabel- 
Iero!|," he came to the conclusion that such a life was truly pur- 
poseless, and seized with most vehement ambition, he resolved 
upon entering on a military career, in order that his brows 
might be crowned with laurels. This time, also, the Duke 
Eosera gave him a helping hand, and soon advanced him to the 
rank of officer. Of this distinction he well knew how to render 
himself worthy in every respect, and he not only gave most 
glorious proof, on the battle-field, of a brave heart and a strong 
arm, but also in his leisure hours he sought to perfect himself 
theoretically in systematic study of the art of war. Still, I 
should not conceal that he continued while in winter quarters 
to devote himself with true knightly art to gallantry, and in the 
arms of love he sought to console himself for the hardships of 
the summer campaign. 

In this manner did he spend several years, which brought him 
pretty soon to the rank of captain, while he confidently trusted 
that his acknowledged bravery would eventually raise him to 



become a general. He dared the more to hope this, as at that 
time there existed much strife and contention, in that Charles V., 
the successor of Ferdinand and Isabella, and at the same time 
Emperor of Germany, strove for ten long years for the mastery 
of Europe with Francis I., King of France. But now a sudden 
accident put an immediate end to all these brilliant expecta- 
tions. In the year 1521 the French, led by Andr6 de Foix. 
Lord of Esparre. besieged the town of Pampeluna, and on the 
20th of May, after a breach had been effected, the assault was 
made. The defence of the citadel was, however, entrusted to a 
man, even to Don Innigo Loyola, who resolved rather to be 
buried under the ruins than that his heroic reputation should be 
stained by a cowardly surrender, so that the French could not 
gain a foot without paying for it with rivers of blood. Whilst 
the brave Loyola received a wound on his left foot from a frag- 
ment of a broken wall, he at the same time had his right leg 
shattered by a cannon-ball, and consequently all resistance was 
now at once at an end ; and the Spaniards, seeing their leader 
fall, lost courage and yielded unconditionally. The French 
commander behaved nobly on the occasion, and caused the 
wounded Don Innigo to be attended by his own surgeon, and, 
not contented with this merely, gave him his liberty at the end 
of a fortnight without ransom, and when his cure was com- 
pleted caused him to be removed to his ancestral castle. This 
was done with great care, the wounded man being carried in a 
litter, notwithstanding which, however, the journey had indeed 
a most prejudicial effect, as it seemed that the bandages had 
become displaced, and the medical attendants, who were imme- 
diately summoned, declared that it would be necessary, in order 
to effect a good cure, that the bone should be broken again, 
which involved the extensive wound, already half healed, being 
torn open afresh. This cruel operation was most painful, as a 
number of broken splinters of bone had to be removed ; but 
the courageous Loyola at once gave his consent thereto, and 
conducted himself like a hero while the doctors were then most 
cruelly torturing him • not a single cry escaped from him, and 
he obliged himself to put on a pleasing smile while his sisters 
were shedding tears of pity. The loss of blood and consequent 
fever reduced him so low that it was considered well to 
administer to him the sacrament for the dying, and at last the 



medical men even declared that he could not be saved. In 
spite of all, however, it did not come to this, but his naturally 
strong constitution overcame the debility, and he began to get 
better, although, indeed, very gradually and in the course of 
several months.* But, alas ! as he at length was able to leave 
his bed, and tried to walk up and down his room, it became 
apparent that the limb had become an inch too short, and 
besides, below the knee there was an unsightly projecting piece 
of bone which made it impossible for him to wear the high tight- 
fitting boots which were at that time in fashion. This was a mis- 
fortune that his vanity could not endure, and he forthwith resolved 
to have the detestable bone sawn off. His physicians explained 
to him that he would run a great risk in having this done, and 
that the operation would be uncommonly painful. However, he 
insisted upon it, and the bone was sawn off. Hardly had he 
got over the effects than he began to have the limB stretched, 
and with this object he caused an iron machine to be made, in 
which he forthwith inserted the leg. It was then turned, in 
order that the muscles should become more and more lengthened, 
and, in spite of almost maddening pain, Loyola bore up reso- 
lutely, giving the best proof of the very great energy he 
possessed ; but, unfortunately, the desired result was far from 
being accomplished, and Ignatius could no longer conceal from 
himself that he had become lame for life. Moreover, the mirror 
told him too plainly that his features, in consequence of his 
long sufferings and agonizing pains, had become old and 
withered, his hair thin, and his forehead wrinkled. It was a 
subject for despair. He who had hitherto been the favourite 
of the ladies, and through his agreeable manners had outstripped 
all rivals, arousing envy and admiration at the same time 
wherever he went, should he now be slighted, and even, perhaps, 
become an object of pity and contempt ? No, it was impossible 
for him to endure such an affliction, and an escape from it 
must be found in some way or another. Already, during his 
long confinement to bed, had he taken to reading in order to 
overcome the deadly weariness, and by accident he found in the 
castle either Amadis or some other work, but all of a particular 

* His historian attributes this recovery to a miraculous work of the 
Apostle Peter, the latter being greatly interested in keeping Ignatius Loyola 
aUve, at all events until he had founded the Order of Jesuits. 





description, namely, different kinds of legendary lore, as the 
Flores Sanctorum (Flowers of the Saints). This latter book 
superabounded in the extraordinary adventures which the saints 
had to go through before they became truly holy ; and one can 
easily understand what an impression such flowery pictures 
might have made on such an excitable, fanciful, and eccentric 
man as Loyola. He was, indeed, firmly impressed by it with 
irresistible fascination. ** The holy Francis did thus and I will 
do the same. The holy Dominic behaved thus, and I will do 
the same," he exclaimed. Indeed, at times he was so completely 
absorbed as regards the oppressions, expiations, griefs, mortal 
pangs, and former heroisms of the saints, that the experiences 
of a Florisando of Gaul or a Lisnarde of Greece appeared to 
him trifling and insignificant. It is true these impressions were 
at first not permanent, but merely transitory, and the image of 
the beautiful Donna Isabella Rosella, for whom he formerly enter- 
tained the most ardent affection, always dispelled them again ; 
but now, however, as he became convinced that his beauty 
was a thing of the past, and that he had become a lame cripple, 
whilst his beloved Donna declined to listen any more to his love 
speeches, and began to trifle with others, he tore her forcibly 
from his heart, and instead there appeared to him an unspeak- 
ably beautiful virgin, even the Queen of Heaven herself, to whom 
he at once most heartily devoted himself. Henceforth he resolved 
to make her the queen of his heart, to whom he would render 
homage, and if he met with her favour he most certainly must 
become as perfect a saint as a Januarius or Eustachius. What 
blessedness would it be if he, like them, could make the blind 
to see, the dumb to speak, the deaf to hear, and all kinds of 
diseases to heal ! when he obtained the power to fly through the 
air like a bird, to walk through the sea dry-shod, and to pass 
through the blazing fire uninjured 1 when he should equally be 
able to drive out the devil, conquer hell, and gain heaven 

alive ! 

In this manner, a complete change took place in the mind of 
Don Innigo Loyola, and the formerly gallant cavalier trans* 
formed himself into a strict imitation of an Anthony or a 
Pachomius in order to gain the favour of the Virgin. 

He now clothed himself, as his biographers narrate, in thick 
filthy garments, and over his attenuated and unwashen face fell 

his uncombed hair, formerly redolent of costly ointments. He 
also imposed upon himself the greatest abstinence, and not un- 
commonly fasted so long that he fainted from sheer weakness. 
While during these trances, he frequently had, according to his 
own affirmation, visions of the saints, and especially of the 
Virgin Mary — he even saw himself translated direct into heaven, 
where God Almighty with His own hand placed him close beside 
His Son Jesus Christ. 

It now seemed apparent that the former brilliant warrior had 
turned a complete fool, so much so that his own brother Don 
Martin Garcia, at that time head of the family, very earnestly 
urged him to give up all this nonsense without delay, and be 
again like other men. The idea of becoming a saint was already 
80 firmly fixed in Ignatius's mind, that reasoning with him was 
useless, and he consequently resolved to quit the Castle Loyola 
under some pretext or another, in order, in the cloister, 
at a place of pilgrimage at Montserrat in Catalonia, renowned 
for its miraculous image of Mary, to devote himself formally 
for life to the service of the Mother of God. The excuse was 
soon found, in that he intimated his intention of riding out to 
meet the Duke of Majera, who was at the time sojourning at 
Navarette ; but presently, dismissing his ' attendants, he quickly 
made his way to Montserrat, and having arrived there in March 
1522, he first of all exchanged his knightly costume, which he 
had resumed by the order of his brother, for a beggarly pilgrim's 
garment, consisting of a long coat of coarse sailcloth, a rope 
round the body, from which a hollow gourd was suspended in 
place of a flask, a long staff, and a pnir of sandals. He then 
flogged his body until the blood came, in order to chastise him- 
self for the love of earthly pleasure he had hitherto cherished, 
made a three days' general confession to the hermit Clanon, one 
greatly esteemed for his exemplary piety, and lastly, following 
the example of Amadis and other heroes of romance, kept a 
solemn night-watch before the chapel of the Queen of Heaven, 
to whose gracious image he consecrated his sword and dagger, 
giving thereby a sign that he had, henceforth, entirely devoted 
himself to her service as her spiritual knight. 

He named himself, also, henceforth, not only Knight of the 
Virgin, but now and then also, by way of a change, Champion 
of Jesus, and formed the resolution, in order to put a crown 



upon his striving after sanctity, to undertake a pilgrimage 
to Jerusalem. He was anxious, however, first of all, in order to 
render himself more worthy for such an enterprize, to make 
preparation by works of penitence of such an extraordinary 
nature that the whole world might acknowledge that no man had 
ever before submitted himself to such self-inflicted torture. He 
selected for the scene of this penance the small town of Manresa, 
on the road to Barcelona, from the harbour of which he intended 
ultimately to embark for Jerusalem, and he took himself at 
once to the local hospital dedicated to the holy Luca, with the 
intention of living amidst beggars and sick people. He never 
slept in a bed, not eveo on straw, but upon the bare naked ground, 
and subsisted during the whole week on nothing but water and 
bread, which last he obtained by begging in the streets. He 
girded himself, too, round the body with an iron chain, with 
which he daily publicly flogged himself three times; he no 
longer made use of any comb or scissors, so that his appearance 
became perfectly horrible, to a degree that whenever he made 
his appearance he was surrounded by the street boys, who ran 
screaming after him, bespattering him with rotten eggs and 
mud. He endured all this, however, without a murmur, and 
rejoiced so much more over it, as it was proof to him that his 
body was now sufficiently unclean to present a worthy vessel for 
the destruction of sin. 

He thus conducted himself during several months, until by 
accident his noble birth was discovered, when he then attracted 
the attention not only of the street boys, but also of the grown- 
up people, who hitherto disregarding him as a beggarly and 
half-crazed vagabond, were now anxious to see a man who, 
instead of taking his position, as he had a right to do, among 
the happiest and foremost of the earth, voluntarily made himself 
the most wretched among men. This, however, was not at all 
after his mind — indeed, such cruel obtrusiveness concealing deri- 
sion and scorn under the mask of sympathy annoyed him much ; 
he therefore betook himself to a neighbouring cave, to which he 
made his way through thorns and prickly bushes. Here in the 
cavern he carried on his penances more severe even than before, 
and often took no food or drink for several days ; when, how- 
ever, in order that he might not be reproached with the crime 
of self-murder, he did break his fast, he was content with rooU 



growing in front of the cave, or with old spoilt bread which he 
had brought with him from the hospital. In addition to this, 
he now flogged himself with his chain six times a day instead of 
three times, prayed for seven long hours, resting on his naked 
knees, and, as much as he could, deprived himself of sleep in 
order to fill up as far as possible the measure of his bodily mor- 
tification. Tn consequence of all this, as one may well imagine, 
he assumed the appearance of a perfect martyr, and became so 
weak that he fell from one fainting fit into another. He was 
continually afflicted, moreover, with the most frightful remorse 
of conscience, while he always considered that he still had not 
done sufficient penance, and his disordered imagination pic- 
tured to his mind the most insane visions, such as that he saw 
the devil more than a dozen times, with claws, horns, club feet, 
and black face ; he also beheld the Saviour surrounded by hosts 
of saints, ready to combat Satan and his underlings. On another 
occasion, he witnessed the Holy Trinity in the form of three 
piano notes, closely bound together, hanging upon a stalk ; and to 
his holy eyes, moreover, the Host was represented transformed 
into the true God-man. In short, during this period of his life 
be had the most marvellous apparitions, and whoever wishes to 
become further acquainted with them may read the book, Holi/ 
Exercises, in which they are described, with many other won- 
derful statements concerning him. 

He bought this ecstatic mental condition, however, but too 
dearly, so much so that on one occasion he lay unconscious 
during eight days, and would certainly have died had he not 
by accident been discovered by some passers by, and immediately 
conveyed to the hospital of the town. There he soon recovered, 
not only bodily but mentally, owing to the good care bestowed 

upon him. 

From several conversations which he had with the priests to 
whom he made confessions, he was at length brought to the 
conviction that he could not attain sanctification, so well, at all 
events, solely by severe penance and self-inflicted macerations, 
as by leading others to repentance, and especially was it pointed 
out that the conversion of the heathen would bring him more 
quickly and surely to his goal. Penance certainly is of great 
worth, his father confessor told him, but preaching, which 
touches the heart, would be more valuable still, and every 



heathen won over to Christianity might he regarded as a round 
in the great ladder hy which man may climh up into heaven. 
This enlightened the mind of the Knight of the Virgin, and he 
felt, besides, that in order to he able to undertake the business 
of conversion of the heathen, one must he possessed of health 
and strength. For this reason he no longer fasted so strictly, 
nor did he flog himself so often. He cut his hair and nails and 
threw aside his coarse smock coat, becoming again a polished 
man for whom loathing and disgust need no longer be enter- 
tained. He also declared at the same time that he would not 
put off any further his pilgrimage to Jersusalem, as his deter- 
mination was to convert all Turks and Mahomedans. 

Such changes took place in the mind of Don Innigo Lopez 
Loyola in the short space of one year, and one sees from this 
what enormous results may be brought about by a broken leg 
healed defectively. 





"To Jerusalem and Palestine for the conversion of the Turks," 
was now the watchword of the converted Loyola, and, in fact, he 
betook himself immediately, at the commencement of the year 
1523, towards Barcelona, in order to embark from there, first of 
all, to Italy. Money had he none, but that did not distress him, 
for, being already accustomed to beg, he soon collected enough 
not only to keep himself from starving but to pay his passage- 
money to Gaeta in the Neapolitan dominions. Having arrived 
there, be proceeded forthwith further towards Home, always 
begging his way, reaching it on Palm Sunday. His first care, 
naturally enough , was to perform his devotions in all the stalions 
and churches where pilgrims are wont to resort. He also had 
the unspeakable good fortune, on Good Friday, the 5th of April, 
to receive, along with other pilgrims, the blessing of His Holiness 
Pope Hadrian VI., and, according to some of his biographers, 
he was permitted to kiss the Pope's foot. Be that as it may, I 
have only to remark that Innigo continued to support himself by 
begging, and that he generally passed the night in a miserable 
shed. On the 1 2th of April he prosecuted his journey further 
towards Venice, always, be it understood, on foot, and begging 
his way. But although he was now so used to this mode of 
travelling, he this time nearly fell a victim to it, as from his 
miserable appearance he was universally looked upon as a plague- 



stricken person, and on that account not to be allowed to enter 
any town, seeing that the plague at the time was raging, in a 
truly unmerciful manner, in Upper Italy. He was, therefore, 
often compelled not only to sleep in the open air, which proved 
very prejudicial to his health, but he also found on this account 
little opportunity of soliciting alms, and accordingly at times 
endured frightful sufferings from hunger. At last he succeeded 
in reaching Venice, and contrived to introduce himself through 
the gate without detention by the sentries. He had no longer 
any lack of nourishment, as many benevolent hearts are every- 
where to be found, and fortune favoured him so much that a 
Spaniard of rank, the Duke Andrea Guitti, obtained for him a 
free passage in an Italian State galley to Jaffa in Palestine. It 
nearly went badly, however, with him in this ship, on which he 
embarked on the 14th of July. Having plenty of spare time 
during the voyage, he employed it in preaching better manners to 
the sailors, accustomed as they were to sweciring and obscene lan- 
guage, and, being provoked thereby, they nearly threw him into the 
sea. But God and the captain of the ship protected him, and he 
thus reached his intended destination, on the 1st of September, in 
safety. He was now in Palestine, which he had so long earnestly 
desired to visit, so, proceeding to Jerusalem with a caravan of 
pilgrims, he arrived there in good condition on the 4th of Sep- 
tember. But scarcely had he visited the holy places, and per- 
formed his devotions at the different spots over which Christ had 
wandered 1,500 years before, than he hastened to carry out the 
great aim he was desirous of accomplishing. In other words, he 
presented himself forthwith to the Provincial Father of the 
Franciscans, and craved permission to commence his work of 
preaching and converting. The Provincial, entering into con- 
versation with the new labourer in the Church's fold, found, to 
his great astonishment, that the latter was not only completely 
ignorant of the language and religion of the Turks, but that the 
same was the case even as regards Christianity itself, that is to 
say, in " Theology " (the knowledge which Christ taught) he 
was quite a tyro. And for such a thoroughly ignorant man, who 
had also a perfectly beggarly and vagabond appearance, to believe 
himself fit for such a weighty undertaking as the education of 
those who did not believe in the Christian religion, appeared to the 
Provincial to be the purest nonsense, and so he told Ignatius to 



his face. The latter advanced that God might, Pei^^ap^Jrm^ 
about a miracle, and produce such a powerful effect upon h 
Turks that they might understand his preaching in the 
Spanish tongue ; but, disregarding such ^^^^f^Jj^^^ 
vincial shook his head still the more vehemently and ordered 
Ignatius to return forthwith to Europe. As the latter did not 
a? once acquiesce in this suggestion, he nominated him a begga 
missionary' and, under an authority from the Pope to ban.^^^^^^ 
pilgrims who were not compliant to his decrees, he had him con 
'vlyed on a certain small ship bound for Venice, where he saf^^ 
arrived in January 1524, after a four -onths voyage. Thu 
ended, in an almost laughable manner, the pilgrimage to Pales 
tine ; but it had so far done good, that Ignatius obtained a fuU 
comprehension of his ignorance, and became convinced how 
impossible it was for him to do anything as a preacher or con 
verL while he had not previously made himself acquainted wih 
the science of Christianity and studied holy theology. H had 
now already attained his thirty-third ye.r and ^^ad^^ ^^^ 
slightest idea of even the rudiments of tbe Latin -guag. 
Moreover, the sole property he possessed consiste of the jbak 
that covered his body, miserable trousers -^ich hardly reached 
to his knees, and a long frock of ticking full of ^ojes H^^^^^^ 
ever, he disregarded all this, and resolved ^^ return to Barcdona, 
o commence there his studies. "God and the Holy Mary 
whose knight I am," he thought, ^* will further assist me and I 
hope that I will with ease collect sufficient by begging to com- 
p ete my studies.'' In short, he made his way from Venic by 
Genoa, forthwith, but had to encounter many dangers before he 
^rrivei there, owing to the war that at that time was gorng on 

Germany and King of Spam. Among uiu 

taken prisoner by the Spaniards on suspicion «* 1»«'°/;;?^'*"^ 

treated to the scourge. When at length he reached Genoa, he 

We had the good fortune to be provided by the oommander of 
the Spanish galleys, a former acquaintance. Rodrige Portundo 

SfL passagVupon a ship, and he arrived safe and sound 

at Barcelona without furthe; mishap. 

Now began a new period in the life of Don Inn.go. when he 

enLed u on his sLdies, and. first of all, ^l^^^^^^;^^;^;^ 

teacher of the Latin grammar, of the name of H.eronymus 




Ardabale. and presented himself to him as a scholar. The professor 
regarded the boy of thirty-three with some astonishment, but 
took him as a pupil gratia, and Ignatius now sat continnally 
dunng two long years in the Latin school, and one can easily 
imagine the difficult position in which he now found himself; 
while declining and conjugating, how strangely he must have felt 
m saying amo, aman, amat ; and how much he was teazed by his 
class-fellows, twenty-five years his juniors ; and how hard it was 
for him to contend against his extreme poverty and provide for 
his daily necessities. He often at this time entertained the idea 
of running away, and this would certainly have occurred had it 
not been for two female friends whose acquaintance he had made, 
a young lady of the name of Isabella Roselli, and a dame, Agnes 
Pasquali, who encouraged him to persevere in his efforts, and not 
only so, but also assisted him with money and good advice. 
Consequently, he did persevere, and in order that he should not 
again fall behind the other school-boys, he begged the teacher 
to be sure to give him the rod as much as in their case. In 
short, he studied Latin with most astonishing zeal, but, at the 
same time, did not forget to exercise himself in the great aim of 
h.s existence, i.e. in converting wherever conversion was required- 
and now and then he obtained good results, as he possessed 
extremely fascinating powers of persuasion, and felt no restraint 
m asserting his views in public places, or even in beer houses. 
On one occasion, when he was trying to make into honest women 
the nuns of a certain convent where improper conduct much 
prevailed, he got such a fearful thrashing from their admirers 
that he lay for dead on the spot, and only recovered from the 
effects after several weeks. Nevertheless, he immediately com- 
menced again to preach as soon as he got well, as he entertained 
the firm conviction that this ill-treatment was only a trial that 
trod had laid upon him. 

After two years' study of the Latin grammar, Ignatius con- 
sidered that he was now sufficiently advanced to pass over to the " 
study of Philosophy and Theology, and on that account he 
forthwuh m the year 1526, installed himself in the town of 
Alkala, where, shortly before, Cardinal Ximines had established 
a high school. He found these studies much more difficult than 
that of the Latin language, and as he, at the same time, attended 
the le,tur,B on Logic, Metaphysics, and Theology, for three 



hours daily in each department, it created such a confusion in 
his head that he learned hardly anything. As regards preaching, 
begging, and converting, which three functions he knew so well 
to combine with the most consummate skill, he succeeded so far 
as to win over three students, and make them do exactly as he 
did. With them he went daily about the streets of Alkala, partly 
begging and partly preaching, and in order to make themselves 
more conspicuous they dressed alike in long grey frieze gowns 
of the coarsest description, which they bound round their loins 
with cords They also wore neither boots nor shoes, but went 
barefoot, and upon their heads they placed bell-shaped hats, so 
that God and the world were proclaimed wherever they appeared. 
In short, they drew the attention of all Alkala upon them, and 
got the name of " Ensazaladas,' that is, the men with the frieze 
coats, and presently there were a sufficient number of old maids 
who took advice from them in matters of conscience Nor is it 
astonishing, although there was nothing whatever to justify it, 
that they began to carry on a commerce in the worship of God, 
to act the part of Father Confessors, and to preach repentance to 
those who had no wish for anything of the kind. Whereupon, 
the ecclesiastics and monks of alkala became jealous of them, 
and complained about Ignatius and his companions to the Holy 
Inquisition. Ignatius, of course, was immediately arrested, and 
most minutely interrogated, as it was thought he might belong 
to the notorious heretical sect which went by the name '* Los 
Alumbrados," that is to say, " The Enlightened *' {Illuminaten). 
However, the Vicar-General of Toledo, who conducted the in- 
vestigation, shortly found that there was certainly nothing enlight- 
ened about Ignatius, and that although a very good Catholic, he 
was a Christian deeply steeped in ignorance, and in no way fitted to 
assume the functions of counsellor in matters of conscience. He 
therefore forthwith acquitted the accused, who had been falsely 
charged with heresy, and released him out of prison after six 
days' detention. On the other hand, he forbad him, however, 
from preaching any longer, under the penalty of excommuni- 
cation, until he was completely versed in theology. At the 
same time, he strongly recommended that the frieze-coated 
society should at once lay aside their remarkable clothing, so 
different from that of any Order hitherto existing, and conduct 
themselves like other students. This was for our Ignatius a 

2 * 



very unpleasant sentence — somewhat worse, indeed, than he at 

first expected. 

Through the preaching of Ignatius, inviting to repentance, 
two ladies of distinction belonging to Alkala were brought to the 
determination of giving up all their possessions to the poor, 
to dress like beggars, and to go about from one place of pil- 
grimage to another, doing nothing else than praying and begging. 
They, indeed, carried out this determination, and suddenly dis- 
appeared by night from Alkala, so that their distressed relations 
were unable to discover where they had gone, though everyone 
was firmly of opinion that no other but Ignatius could have 
been the person who led them astray. He was in consequence 
at once accused, arrested by the authorities, and thrown into 
prison, being kept in the criminal department until both of the 
ladies. Donna Maria de Bado and Donna Ludovica Belasquez, 
returned in good health, and pretty well cured of their adven- 
turous flight on a begging pilgrimage. 

Under such circumstances, the pious Ignatius could no longer 
remain in Alkala with any comfort, and therefore he resolved to 
remove to Salamanca, another celebrated Spanish university, in 
order there further to prosecute his studies. In this determina- 
tion he also persuaded his frieze-coated company to follow him, 
and, attor all had collected the needful money by begging in a 
body, they betook themselves to the town in question, in the 
summer of 1527. Here, too, as far as study was concerned, not 
much was eflected They employed themselves much more in 
administering to the sick in the hospitals, in all public places 
calling upon the people to repentance, using exciting language 
in so doing. 

Their sojourn in Salamanca was used only to reproduce the 
forbidden scenes of Alkala in a new locality, and it could not be 
otherwise than that the clergy should once more be grievously 
oflended. The Bishop caused Ignatius to be immediately 
arrested, and he was kept for twenty-two days in very rigorous 
seclusion,* and only liberated on his giving a most binding 

* Ignatius was attached to one of his companions, of the name of Garlisto, 
by a long heavy iron chain, and this Garlisto must have cut a very extra- 
ordinary figure, aa he was a tall thin man, furnished with an enormous 
beard ; he carried a knobbed stick, and rejoiced in having a short old jacket, 
a still shorter tattered pair of trousers, a beggarly pair of half-boots, and an 
enormous hat. The rest of the Ignatians went barefoot, wearing the long 
frieze coat as above described. 


promise never again to exercise the functions of the priestly 
office until he had studied theology during four consecutive 

^^This decision naturally made the further sojourn of Ignatius 
in Salamanca as irksome as it had been in Alkala, and he now 
bethought himself of coming to the bold determination of 
betaking himself to the hitherto most celebrated university in 
the worid, viz. Paris. There, in the capital of France he 
dared to hope he might be able to carry on his business without 
molestation, as in it there was neither Inquisition nor a bigoted 
priesthood. There ruled, indeed, truly academic freedom even 
for the wildest ecclesiastical eccentricities ; and Francis L, the 
most free-thinking of monarchs that existed, protected this 
freedom. He communicated his plan, also, to his companions, 
who requested him to be their leader; but being tired of per- 
petual arrests, and also fearing the long and difficult journey m 
a foreign country, they hesitated about it, and even attempted to 
detain him in Salamanca. He was not, however, to be deterred 
from his object, and so setting out on foot in the middle of 
winter, driving before him an ass laden with his books, manu- 
scripts, and other effects, he arrived safely in the French capital 
within the first days of February 1528. 

Don Innigo had now attained the age of thirty-seven but the 
professor to whom he presented himself found that he had not 
mastered yet even the first elements of the sciences, and it was 
pointed out to him that he must first of all study the Latin 
language. With this view, he attended the lectures of Mon- 
taigne, and during eighteen months sat among small school- 
boys, who often provokingly mocked their older companion. He 
also perceived that learning was just as difficult here as he had 
found it at Barcelona, Alkala, and Salamanca, besides which he 
was obliged to spend a great part of his time in begging ; while, 
owing to his being a foreigner, the French did not prove to be 
very liberal to him. Nevertheless, after the conclusion of his 
yei and a half's course of Montaigne's lectures, he passed over 
• L the study of philosophy in the college of St. Barbe to t^ 
holy Barbara), and made such progress, that m the y^^^^^^^J^^ 
obtained the degree of bachelor, and then in the foUowing yeax 
Lt of Master The first step in knowledge had^ now been 
reached, but the principles of holy theology he had yet to 



master ; to this his patience had not yet extended, but he pre- 
ferred attending some less important lectures given by the 

As has been previously stated, the study of the sciences was 
never the object of Ignatius. He had no desire to excel through 
his knowledge, and only wished to learn as much as might enable 
him to carry out his business of conversion. That was and 
continued to be his main object. The conversion, especially of 
the heathen, to Christianity, as well as also the calling to 
repentance of baptized Christians, chastising himself and 
despising all worldliness and resemblance to his former self — 
these were his aims. 

He never lost sight of these objects, either while with 
Montaigne or at St. Barbe, and iu the latter establishment he 
carried out his zeal for conversion so far, that he induced a part 
of his fellow-students, instead of assisting at the prescribed dis- 
putation after public worship, to prosecute with him exercitia 
spiritualia, i.e. to pray with him and to fast and flogt themselves. 
For such conduct, however, he narrowly escaped receiving a 
slight public flogging before all the students, and only the cir- 
cumstance of his having arrived at the age of furty saved him 
from this disgrace. 

Naturally enough, moreover, he was not satisfied only to 
exorcise the work of conversion himself, but, as at Alkala and 
Salamanca, he did his best to obtain coadjutors, that he might 
work with them in common, and share with them his studies and 
devotions, his griefs and joys. In the selection of his com- 
panions he now, however, became much more particular, for 
circumstances had arisen which henceforward exercised a great 
and, indeed, overpowering influence over his whole course of 

About this time a new spirit came over men's minds, which 
shook the Papacy to its foundation, and threatened to overthrow 
the whole Catholic faith hitherto subsisting. Luther, Zwingle, 

* Most of the biographers friendly to the Jesuits affirm, indeed, that 
Ignatius Loyola also obtained in Paris the degree of Doctor of Theology, but 
the most minute inspection of the University register from 1520 to 1587 
disproves this. 

t These spiritual exercises (exercitia spiritualia) are more fully detailed 
in the book already mentioned, bearing the title Liber Exercitiorwn 
Spiritualivm. Ignatius attached great importance thereto, and required 
them to be thoroughly studied. 



and other reformers now raised their powerful voices, and as a 
Catholic author expresses it, " invited peoples and pnnces^« J 
great hunt of the Roman Church." Almost the whole of Germ ny 
answered the cry, and even England and Switzerland, as we l as 
the Scandinavian countries, did the same. Italy to« lent an 
ear to the seductive voice, and France was not without its many 
thousands who hailed it with loud acclamations. In short the 
Reformation threatened a great, the greatest part indeed, of the 
Catholic world, and the downfall of Rome seemed to be inevit- 

'^Of all this, so long as Loyola had been in Spain, he had 
heard nothing, and if this spirit was not entirely quiescent south 
of the Pyrenees, it only prevailed in the higher -g--' -^ 
the common people, properly so called, -ong whom W^^^^ 
moved were not infected by it. Moreover, the Inquisition 
exercised special care that it should soon be driven away, and 

h he Reformation should never take 6rm root under th 
sceptre of the Most Catholic King. Very different however was 

ts progress in France, only too much infected, and especially so 
in IS where even several professors of the u-versity favoured 

the dar ng views of Luther. The eyes of the out-and-out 

unequalled panic seized upon him on account oi 
nerversity which had taken possession of mankind. But he 
llno content to rest satisfied with panic and disgust ; naturaUy 
Lugh. he. the Knight of Mary and of her Son Jesu« Cb- . 
was compelled to fight for them in every way, and to endeavour 
The r^m St of his power to stem the pest.lence fast spreading 
from Gemany. He therefore resolved to denounce to the proper 
SoSiralf heretics, whether puhli. or private, an made him- 
»If a sDv among all circles in which he moved. He soon, saw, 
however' thTwbatever trouhle he gave himself, and whatever were 
the es^Hfo his spying, still the eflects were oomparauve^y so 
smaU that more powerful means must he employed. What, 
♦v.on he asked himself, must these be ? , , , j i« 

This much appeared certain, that the innumerable hordes of 



clergy, too, owing to their ignorance, dissoluteness, and shame- 
lessness, were even more thoroughly despised than the hare- 
footed monks, and it was no longer possible to awaken from the 
grave any faith in them. New armour must therefore be found 
if help was to be given — armour of quite a different kind, of 
quite a different appearance, of quite a different power, than that 
borne hitherto by the souls' counsellors, and he himself must 
don that armour — he himself must act as general-in-chief. 

At first sight the thought did not appear so clear to him, but 
it became more and more so the more he reflected upon this 
infectuous heresy, convincing him that the object in life of 
himself and his chosen associates should not merely be the 
conversion of the heathen, or even less the calling of Christians 
to repentance, but that to these must also be conjoined at the 
same time the waging war on the heretical world. He thought 
himself Jesus Christ (this may be read in the book of Spiritual 
Exercises, and gathered from Peter Juvenez, who was intimate 
with Ignatius), as the generalissimus of heaven, who with angels 
and saints takes the field against the devil, thundering down 
upon the kingdom of hell; and after this model he wished to 
form upon earth an army of spiritual knights, whose supreme 
head should be Jesus Christ in heaven above, in order to over- 
come the devil of this world — the heretic. As this was his 
object, it was his desire, as formerly in Alkala and Salamanca, to 
select from his best neighbours, associates who would be pre- 
pared to follow him. Formerly, it was sufficient for such as 
declared themselves ready as sheep of Christ to castigate their 
bodies, as he did, and to invite the rest of the world to a similar 
life ; now, however, it was a question concerning the warriors of 
Christ, and of such warriors, indeed, who would have sufficient 
spirit and strength to overcome the well-armed Reformers with 
their assistants and followers. He had cause, therefore, to be 
particular in the selection of his associates, and, indeed, to be 
most cautious. 

The first whom he won over to his views respecting a spiritual 
knighthood for the conversion of men, and the prosecution of 
war against the heretical world, was Pierre le Fevre, more pro» 
perly Peter 1 aber, a native of a place in Savoy, in the neigh- 
bourhood of Geneva, a youth possessed of a learned and sagacious 
intellect, and at the same time full of glowing imagination, who 



might well allow himself to be but too easily inspired with a 

^' Much more difficult was it, however, with Francis Xavier, from 
Spanish Navarre, who not only belonged to a powerful noble 
family, but who, already at that time professor m the college 
of Beauvais, had future claims to the highest ecclesiastica 
honours. On that account he began at first by ridiculing a 1 
that Loyola preached to him about his proposed spiritual knight- 
hood and plainly declared to him that he looked upon it as a 
mere'extravagance. But the man had two weak sides, namely, 
unlimited ambition, and also a strong inclination to follow a 
loose kind of life, and on these two points Loyola well knew 
how to lay hold of him. In other words, he placed his money 
baff which, owing to the benevolence of high patrons, was pretty 
well filled at that period, at the disposal of the extravagant pro- 
fessor and he at the same time pictured to the latter such a 
brilliant future, that he could no longer resist, and at length 
gave himself up, heart and soul, to the idea.* 

Inasmuch as Peter Faber and Francis Xavier were looked 
upon in the university of Paris with great consideration, other 
students as well as professors turned their attention to the efforts 
of Ignatius, and of their own accord enlisted themselves as his 
assistants. Among these, however, he only took four into his 
association, and, naturally enough, those he considered to be 
most worthy, or rather the most suitable for his purpose, namely, 
Jacob Laynez from the city of Almazan in Castile, certainly a 
very poor but also a very energetic young man «^ twenty-one 
year8 shrewd and well-grounded in scientific knowledge ; then 
L still younger Alphonso Salmeron from Toledo, only eighteen 
year old a vfry able philologian. Further, Nicholas Alphons 
lith his nickname of Bobadilla (after his native place, a small 

. ßon.e biographers, ce^a^^^^ 

relate the matter ^^^^^f^^f^ds^^ A^^^^^^ ^as paying Xavier a 

Xavier arose from a game at ^ilhards. as ^&^^ billiards with him; 

^sit one day, the latter P^f f^i^/^,^^^^^^^^ further he 

Loyola at first dechned ; as his ^"f^^^^!, ^^"^^^^^^^ of them should lose 
accepted the proposal on *1^« ?^«^^f^^^^^^^ Xavier 

was to do during a whole ^^f ^i^^^^.^ lost ; thereupon 

agreed to this, as he was » ^^^^ P^^^^^' ^^1^ uo through a most, excitmg 
Loyola made him durmg the f^^^*„*^°^,^J^^^^ igSs fasted along with 
ooiise of Bpintual exercises^ Among oth^^ ^^thereby to see visions, 

t^e recusant Spaniard toin^ixdays^^^^^ ^^^ ^.^^^ ^^^^ ^^ 

^^:^'A\fL%n^^^^^^ of iguatiu. 



town not far from Valencia), who already gave public lectures 
on philosophy, and who was also as powerful with his pen as with 
his tongue — as it were, a worldly knight with his sword and lance ; 
lastly, Simon Rodriguez from Azevedo in Portugal, a gloomy 
fanatic and enthusiast, who embraced the idea of a spiritual 
knighthood with exceedingly zealous joy. 

These were the six associates — four Spaniards, one Portu- 
guese, and one Savoyard —whom Loyola selected for the accom- 
plishment of his designs, as above described and already the 
immediate future proved that his choice could not have been 
more judicious or more excellent. The half-crazed or rather 
quite demented ascetic of Manresa, made wiser by his several 
experiences in the course of time, and relieved of several of the 
notions to which he was inclined, was now changed in many 
respects. His energy, however, and his iron will he still pos- 
sessed, and also his enthusiastic fiery zeal had not in the least 
diminished. On the contrary, with his forty years, his under- 
standing began to work, and, although with some degree of 
struggling, it broke out in such a grandiose manner as one 
would previously have thought to have been quite impossible. 

To return now to the six chosen associates who formed the 
nucleus of that great society which gives the title to this book 
and which, in a truly incredible short time, spread over every 
region of the globe, and even down to our own day exercises 
a decided influence upon mankind. They were, in a word 
together with their master the first seven Jesuits, although this 
denomination was only first applied to them about a couple of years 
later ; so it happened that the University of Paris, which after- 
wards became the most deadly enemy of their teaching, was the 
birth-place of this Order — the same city and University of Paris 
from which issued forth for centuries the spirit of freedom and 
intellectual light. 

At its commencement the new society appeared of very 
moderate dimensions ; so much so, that very few Parisians had 
any conception of its existence. Ignatius designed, it is true, 
a similar costume for himself and his companions ; but, as burnt 
children dread the fire, nothing so striking as the former frieze 
cloaks. Their attire consisted simply of a narrow black cloak 
which reached down to the ankles, and for head-dress a black 
broad-brimmed hat similar in form to that of the Spanish 

The vicissitudes of the new saint. 


Bombueros, while on their feet they wore black leatber shoes 
there being no question now of bare soles. Moreove »mu^ -^ 
be thought that the seven allies formed, as yet, a close society 
wittlaws and statutes of association; for they merely live^ 
: ethL as brethren, and reciprocally ^^^^^^^^^^-'::'J^, 
future as Spiritual Knights of Christ, that .s to say. as mi.s^oj 
aries for the promulgation and extension of the Roman Catholic 
Xon For this voluntary pledge, however Ignatius was not 
satisfied merely with an ordinary promise and a mere shak o 
Je hand • he required much more than this, he demanded that 
S asTociltes should not in future harbour any thought of agam 
r Urning to the world, and. therefore, a formal oath taken in the 
Tost solemn manner was imperative. They agreed all seven to 
rsmble on the festival of the Ascension of Mary (15th August 
r534) at day-break, in the Faubourg St. Jacques, and thence 
Iscended the heights of Montmartre and imu.ediately betook 
hemst ve to a subterranean chapel situated there, m which, 
^me centuries before. Dionysius, the Areopagite. had been 
Zeaded. This was a dismal kind of grotto, oj -arse rougl. 
construction, with bare, dark grey wal s dripping -"^moisture 
and quite unadorned with flowers, gold, or precious stones. On 
I c'onLy, all appeared here dull and dreary, bare and s,ent 
while hardly a breath of air could penetrate from without the 
Ughted tapJrs emitted a sickly, pale yellow »f S-'»-\7;-f 
hechapefeven more a.ful in appearance than ^^ ^^ ^X 
wise have seemed. A frightful impression was given by he 
plan rough stone altar, behind which rose an old ruinous statue 
Ih ch held the head severed from the trunk in its outstretched 
:^s_tlat of the holy Denis. Before this altar the seven men 
k" led, on entering, and muttered their low P-y- i^- 
one of them rose up-it was Le Faber. who, alone of all of them 
3 been already consecrated to the Priesthood -and read a 
i'nlss. aftJr which he administered the Holy Co-™ 
Soaree had this taken place when Ignatius Loyola placed 
h rse f befl the altar, and swore upon the Bible to lead henc. 
rrl life of poverty, chastity, and obedience^ He swo. 
fleht to all eternity only for the things of God. of the tloiy 
nty andher Son Jesus Christ, as true spiritual knights, as also 
for ie protection of the holy Romish Church and us supreme 
head the Pope; and for the extension of the true faith, among 



unbelievers — devoting his life thereto. *' Ad majorem dei 
gloriam'^ (to the exaltation of the glory of God), he exclaimed, 
as he had finished taking this oath, and his wild piercing eyes 
shot like lightning out of his leaden-coloared haggard counten- 
ance. After him the six others took the same oath, and each 
exclaimed at the finish, " Ad majorem dei gloriam" On the 
termination of this ceremony, however, they did not at once 
leave the chapel, but remained shut up in it until late in the 
evening, muttering their prayers, and without a bit of food or a 
drop of water having passed their lips. As they at last rose ap 
from their knees, Ignatius Loyola marked upon the altar three 
large capital letters ; these were I. H. S. " What do these 
signify ? " demanded the others. " They signify," answered 
Ignatius, with solemn utterance, '^ Jesus Honiinum Salvator" 
(Jesus the Saviour of Mankind), " and they shall henceforth be 
the motto of our institution." From that time these words were 
inscribed on the banners of the Society to indicate that the 
members of the same desire to be considered Assistants of the 
Saviour Jesus. 




T„. «.der h.. ™. W ».a. -'""'■'•A"*,"' »dt tt 

jritdtil ..»...„» .-xt:,d"„:" 

pelled to depart ; for, through joy ^^^ 

v,;o nndprtakine he again chastised his body as cruenj 
his undertaking, n g weakened his consütuuon so 

formerly done at Manresa ^^ ■ ^^^ ^^at if he 

'"t;rhTro::kt\t tf r^^^^ at once resort to a 
ri '^It: ra go either to the south of r-ce - - 
q„.in He chose the latter country; not so much however 
ratta^h^mtt to his own native ^-d ^ ^ann this way h^^ 

qimnlv for the reason that tnere migiiu o . , , 

TertLs for the holy knighthood and missionary -^ J^J'J^ 
damaged by the influence of their kinsfolk. He quitted fa . 





consequently, in the spring of lö85, after a seven years' residence 
there; not, however, without making proper provision for the 
further prosperity of the Brotherhood ; he especially nominated 
Le Fevre, as next senior to himself, to be interim director. 
Moreover, he arranged that the six should leave Paris at the end 
of 1537, in order to meet him in Venice, as by that time theology 
would be done with, and all studies relinquished ; while, again, 
the latter city would be the best place for the holy knighthood 
to embark to begin the conversion of the unbelievers in 

Ignatius, travelling by way of Loyola, was received by his 
relations and kinsfolk with much honour, and he was more 
especially esteemed by the common people, whom he knew how 
to attract by his zealous preaching of morality and repentance. 
Moreover, had not his time been spent in the hospitals of 
Aspezia rather than in his paternal castle, where the most costly 
food was always obtainable at the table of his relatives ? had he 
not, too, supported himself by begging his bread from door to 
door, a proceeding which produced a powerful effect upon the 
populace ? He thus soon obtained a great reputation throughout 
the whole neighbourhood, and at the same time visibly improved 
in health. But the remaining year and a half he had to pass in 
Spain soon elapsed, and the period upon which he had fixed for 
the meeting in Venice came upon him before he knew what he 
was about. He consequently now transacted the business he 
had undertaken for Laynez and Salmeron as quickly as possible 
with great skill, and betook himself, in the autumn of 1536, to 
Valentia, whence he embarked for Genoa, and from there 
proceeded in a pilgrimage on foot towards Venice, where he 
arrived on the 8th January 1537, and joined his associates; not, 
however, without having met with many adventures and dangers 
on the way. All had, as we have already seen, the intention of 
proceeding to Jerusalem, in order to turn the whole of the Turks 
into Christians. They had left Paris a few weeks sooner than 
was intended, as at that time a war was impending between 
France and Spain, which would have made the journey to Italy 
impossible, and one can thus well imagine how immensely 
pleased was Ignatius at their happy meeting. Besides, what 
rejoiced him still more was that they did not come alone, but 
brought along with them three other associates, viz. Claud 

Leiay from the diocese of Geneva, John Cordur from the city 
of Embrun. and Pasquier Brouet from the diocese of Amiens, 
all young and very apt theologians, whom Le Fevre had won 
over for the Society. The little band of holy knights now con- 
sisted of ten-or. rather, of thirteen-as Ignatius, during h,s 
sojourn in Venice, had succeeded in picking up three more 
associates. I allude to the brothers Stephen and Jacob Fguia 
two Navarese of very good birth and education, as also Jacob 
Hosez, a very sagacious man, and at the same time a sworn 
enemy of heresy, who, however, died soon afterwards, to 
the great grief of the Society. While, as it was now m 
the midst of winter, the departure for Palestine was for the 
moment inadmissible. Ignatius divided his associates between 
two , hospitals, " The Incurable •• and the " »'^ J«^'' ^^ 
Paul." to which they devoted themselves in such a manner 
that their reputation spread all over Venice, and, indeed f«r 
and wide, beyond it. They received not only ordinary pat« 
but also especially lepers upon whom attendants would no 
longer wait even for high remuneration. Nor did th y 
hesftate, even when there was danger of infection, to wash ou 
the most disgusting sores, or to suck them out w^th their 
mouths when it was necessary so to do. Indeed, they took 
into their own beds some incurably afflicted persons who had 
been, owing to the hopelessness of their cases, turned out of he 
LazJreth; and so it happened that the JesuU band sacrificed 
themselves for the good of suffering humanity, and it was no 
wonder then that the people became enthusiastic about them. 
In sp te of all this, his sojourn in Venice stUl nearly brought a 
heavy misfortune upon Ignatius. His zeal id not al ow hnn to 
reml satisfied with merely nursing at be sick-bed. but he 
also engaged in preaching, and the people flocked in crowds 
:tn h! appeared'in the market place or other pub ic res^r lu 

^r. flip T^*mfters-bv to repentance and noliness. 

(wAer to summon tue passers u^ tw iv^ ^ ^t - i 

^btslccess enraged not a little the ecclesia^ics »f Venice who 
snread abroad a report secretly that Ignatius was a runaway 
Efc from France'and Spain, who now wished to POison I a ly 
with his teaching. But they were not satisfied - »> ^^^J^ ^ 
doing this ; they further drew the attention of the Tribunal of 
iTlnquisition U him-so much so that it was to^be J.a. 
that he would again be shut up m prison, as he had formerly 





been in Alkala and Salamanca. In this critical moinent Ignatius 
by his intelligence completely secured his safety, kno'mng ^»ell 
by means of flattery how to procure a powerful patron in John 
Peter Oarafifa. Archbishop of Theate * who understood how to 
Rive this unfortunate affair such an advantageous turn, that the 
?apal Nuncio. Jerome Veralli, decided in favour of the accused 
In this way Ignatius escaped from harm this time, but it taught 
him the lesson that in order to preach with impunity he must 
get himself consecrated as priest ; and he determined forthwith 
to use the high patronage of Caraffa and Veralli for the attain- 
ment of this object. He was not fully qualified in theology, it 
18 true ; while several of his associates were in the same position. 
He had not the right to demand his ordination from the Pope, 
but on the other hand, might not the latter accord his per- 
mission thereto through his supreme grace, in order to obtain 
which he immediately despatched three of the most prominent 
among the Society-Xavier, Laynez, and Le Fevre-to Home 
well provided with letters of recommendation frorii Caraffa and 
Veralli In fact, the deputation met the most favourable recep- 
tion from the then Pope, Paul III., and having explained to him 
the design of the brotherhood for the conversion of the Turks 
in Palestine, they not only obtained permission for the Ordination 
of all those associates who had not taken holy orders, but were 
also favoured with the Papal blessing, and a present of sixty 
ducats as a contribution towards defraying the expenses of the 
ioumey to Palestine. This was, indeed, almost more than could 
have been expected, and Ignatius, with redoubled zeal, took upon 
himself the " patronage " of the Institution ; but above every- 
thincr he at once availed himself of the accorded permission, 
and had himself and his associates consecrated as pnests by the 

Bishop of Arba. ,,.,., 

In the spring of the year Loyola and his friends were now 
prepared to carry out their previous arrangement of proceeding 

• This Archbishop of Theate, afterwards Pope Paul IV., ™ «i« «Xr 

uÄlught but of the converaion of the heathen, a project of which the 
Archbishop heartily approved. 

by sea to Jerusalem, but the war which had just broken out 
between the Venetian Republic and the Ottoman Porte inter- 
rupted communication with the Holy Land, and the contemplated 
journey had to be deferred, at least for the present 
"• What was now to be done ? was the question. To indulge in 
idleness and depend on begging for a living ? or to continue to 
devote themselves to the service of the hospitals of Venice, as 
thy bad done for several months past? No This would ha e 
been far too narrow a sphere for men like them ; and had they 
not obtained the long-desired priesthood, which gave them he 
right to devote themselves entirely to the cure of mens sou s- 
the right to preach, and by preaching to convert ? J««' t^^J * 
would be a sin not to make use of that right, and thus Ignat us 
resolved with all his associates to proceed to work immediately. 
Ytnt quite immediately, but after ^/orty days^prepara^n by 
prayer fasting, and self-castigation. Ignatius then divided his 
! r thus:-He himself, along with L« Fevre an Laynez, 
establLhed his domicile at Vicenzia ; whilst Javier Cordu^ 
Hosez and the two Eguia, went to Treviso ; Lejay and Eodn 
«„ez o Bassano; Brouet with Bobadilla, however, proceeded 
foVerona ; in which several cities they all began preaching on 
L same dly-and, indeed, at the same hour I -7 " preachmg 
but whoever fancies that this word preaching is to be taken 
^its usual acceptation ;o^M in. a ^- error^^^Loyola 

rme";™ ; ^ rr. of som^e street where there 
happened to be much thoroughfare, and mounting upon a stone 
or ba«el or something of the kind would swing their hats 
unlt'the air. gesticlting with hands and Jee. -d^^bo^^^^^^ 
out individual words with a loud scream, «o that the people 
pling involuntarily stood still. When at length they had 
rc^dei in gathering together a gaping crowd, tbey P jeded 
Z harangue the same in a truly stormy manner exhorting them 
'i^pTntance and contempt of all -^^ ^ ^^V ^r nl 
other hand describing the advantages of '^^^'^XT^oZe 
delineating the charms ot Paradise for the godly, so that no one 
codd ISsent from the fiery eloquence and glowing enthusiasm 
rftt;eaker. On the ^^ ^^ ^^Z^^^Z 





forth a strangely variegated mixture of Latin, Spanish, French, 
and Italian fragments. 

Notwithstanding all this, however, their appearance was not 
altogether without effect ; and often the most wicked scoffers, 
after listening for a time, ended hy heating their hreasts and 
repenting of their ways. But this effect was more to he attri- 
huted to their gestures and gesticulations, and to their fantastical 
appearance, than to the apparent earnestness of the words they 


In this manner Ignatius and his associates conducted them- 
selves for more than a year, and, as I have already mentioned, 
with results of which they might have indeed heen proud. 
During the period, however, of this preaching, they had the 
hitter experience of finding that the poison of heresy was more 
deeply rooted in the hearts of men than superficially seemed to 
he the case, and, deeply impressed therehy, Loyola again asked 
himself the question, as he had done once hefore in Paris, in 
what way this fundamental evil might he checked. **The 
Romish Church, the Papacy, and the Pope himself, are all in 
the greatest danger," he exclaimed, " and the whole religious 
fahric must collapse, owing to its former supports being now 
thoroughly worm-eaten, unless some entirely new foundation 
pillars can be found." Continually did he go on further to 
investigate this theme, and constantly and often did he converse 
upon it with the cleverest, most cultivated, and most clear-sighted 
of his associates, namely with Jacob Laynez, until at last he 
came to the fixed determination of placing himself completely 
at the disposal of the Pope for the protection of the Papacy. 
Consequently, in the autumn of 1537, the whole of the brethren 
were summoned to assemble at Vicenza for a great consultation, 
before which assemblage Loyola detailed his new project with 
uncommonly convincing power. 

" The journey to Palestine would indeed be a most meri- 
torious work, find you ought never to lose sight of the aim and 
object for which you have bound yourselves — the aim, namely, of 
the conversion of the heathen ; but what would be still more 
profitable would be to save the Papacy (or, as he termed it, 
Christianity) out of the clutches of the dominion of Heresy ; and 
with this end in view it concerns you all, above everything, to 
follow out what you have already sworn at Montmartre. You 

ouRht to consider the reason why Providence has just at this 
time allowed war to break out between the Turks and Veneüans. 
It is certainly on no other ground than to hinder the journey 
to Palestine, because yon are destined for a somewhat greater 
career." And Ignatius closed his animated «P«««*» a« fo"»^« • 
"Let us. therefore, offer our services to the Holy Father and 
tell him that we are determined to raise a mighty army of holy 
knights, whose sole aim a^d thought should be directed to oyer- 
throw all enemies of Rome, under the banner of the Saviour 

These words told, and they not only all declared themselves 
favourable to the proposal of Ignatius, but they became enthusi- 
astic in the idea o? forming a "Phalanx Jesu (" a society of 
Jesus warriors"), as the knightly-bom ^g-^^/^^P^f^f 'J; 
Accordingly, this resolution was at once concluded that Loyola 
hilelf. filh Laynez and Le Eevre. should o>^J;^-J P- 
to Rome, and throw themselves at the foot of the PoP«. »^J 
s^ however, undertook the duty of making tours tbrough Italy 
with the object of enlisting as many retainers as p ss^le n 
order that the company to be placed at the disposal of the Pope 

should be a really «°f ^^^^^ J^^ . j„3 .„j ^3 associates took 
From this period the affairs of Ignatius ana nis 

■ . *„ *v.o nrpspnt time it had been merely 

a completelv new turn ; up to the preseni um „„^:„tv 

,. •■ • v.,,,! ^nt it now became a great society 

a small missionary band, but it J^ ^„^^ 

with a distinct programme and fixed statutes, in o 

it was a question of a new Order, which ««»der the title of 

" Phalanx Jesu," should flash forth as the light of he worW 

For the present, at any rate. Loyola, on his -'^'^l'^^^'' 
in October in speaking about his undertaking avoided m king 
use of the expression "Order," as it was well ^-^^^J^^^^l 
Orders were ^ust then looked upon wit^^ no r.en eye^ at^th 
Vatican, on account of their evident inutility , o 
he busied himself all the more with the principles he had laid down 
at Venice, to look about for well-wishers and ^ortne^^oi-U 
descriptions, in order through them to attain ^'^J '^^'^^^^ 
even Lugh it should be by bye-ways ^^;2^^lZl 
mention particularly an old -qum«^ '^«^ ^^^J ^^^^^„, 
Professor and Doctor of Theology, Pater Ortiz, ^"^' > 
of Charles V., was now in Rome, plapng '^^^;:::^ 
Romish Court. It was, indeed, this Urtiz .^ ' 
Ignatius to Pope Paul III. The latter, too. receivin^g with great 

I» I 



favour the offer made of forming a " Jesus ** company for the 
purpose of combating heresy, not only permitted Loyola himself 
to preach in all the churches of Rome, but also accorded to 
Le Fevre and Laynez two theological professorial chairs in the 
College della Sapienza. 

The spell was thus broken, or, at least, the first step thereto 
was secured. Through Ortiz, Ignatius was made acquainted 
with Cardinals Gastpar Contarini and Vincenz Caraffa, two 
extremely sagacious, though not exactly holy, men, and both, 
likewise, highly approved of the notion of a ** Jesus " association. 
They were also of opinion that above all things the idea ought 
to be more clearly defined, and a formal statute drawn up for the 
Society about to be founded, for when it is known exactly what 
is wished one is in a much better position to render effectual service. 
More especially, they added, the new Society must not in any 
way be a copy of any of the previously existing Orders, but it 
must have its foundation on something that had never before 
been thought of, the advantage of which to the Papacy should be 
palpable, otherwise it would not be worthy of being placed before 
the Pope for confirmation. 

In consequence of this, Loyola immediately called together all 
his associates, as well as those more recently added, to delibe- 
rate on the proposed statute for the Society, and the assembly 
took place in the beginning of the year 1538. However, weeks 
passed, and, indeed, months, before they came to any conclusion 
on the subject, in spite of there being now among the members 
many who need yield to no one in acuteness of understanding. 
Perhaps, indeed, their invention might have met with no success 
at all had it not been for the assistance of men of higher stand- 
ing, such as Dr. Ortiz and the two Cardinals above named, and 
it cannot be affirmed that the principles of Jesuitism emanated 
entirely, or even for the most part, from Ignatius Loyola. The 
idea of the same, the conception to form a " Phalanx Jesu,'' 
originated, indeed, from him, and from him alone, but with the 
accomplishment of this idea, the shaping of this conception, and 
its farther development, many other heads co-operated, and it is 
a pity that in those days nothing like stenography existed, for 
then, doubtless, we would have been furnished with a report of 
the long and earnest consultation, and we might have then known 
exactly what, and how much, might be ascribed to each of the 



contributors and participators therein, as -f ^^^J^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
arrived at. But while the above fact .s undemab le s must be 
admitted even bv those most ardently favourable to the Jesuits, 
t tu not be forgotten, on the other hand, tbat Loyola al^^^^^^ 
mained the very heart and soul of the con-UaU-^^^ and tha 
the final conquest over all the hindrances which had to be over 
le in the Lndation of the Order must be attributed a lone^ o 
his fierv zeal, and indomitable untiring force of will. It may 
ZlllZ^ne^ that Loyola and his comrades, by their p^^^^^^^^ 
Istume and still more their extraordinary manner of harangumg 

rpSc, excited great attention, and obtained ^-^ 
portion of the inhabitants, a certain degree of celebrity. Already 
bts^rred up the envy of others, and especially among the low 
classes of ecclesiastics, and those parties complained w th naore 
or i ce, that the newly-baptised "Black Cloaks,'' as they 
we cied in Rome, were encroaching on their preserves. Süll 
Tore atrilibehaved the monks; and as it became rumoured 
lout tl L object of Ignatius was to found a new Order, their 
Srno longer knew any bounds. "What!" cried they, and 
amongst thffc>remost of the dissentients were the Augustines 
nd Dominicans, who had hitherto been accustome to PP o- 
Driate to themselves the fattest morsels among the people 
Chat r Our table, through this detestable ^fr^^^et 
the enlightenment extending among the people has al eady 
lecore much diminished, and now the last remains are to b 
slatched from us by a parcel of wandering vagabonds ! No I 
Lfmust not be allowed, if life and death depend upon it ! In 
bortTte above-named monks immediately set - -^^^^^^^ 
every endeavour to ruin Ignatius and ^^ jj^^^^^^^^^ 

through lying, in escaping the hands ot justice n Spam, in 



succeeded in obtaining formal public satisfaction thiough a 
judicial judgment upon this untiring persecution, which proved 
to be extremely humiliating for his accusers, but which turned 
out very honourably for^ himself. From this time forth the 
credit of Ignatius daily increased considerably, and he naturally 
hastened to take advantage energetically of the same, to attract 
and gain over new patrons and retainers. He thus won over, 
among others, Franciscus Strada, a man distinguished for his 
learning ; also Pietro Codaci, a superior officer and relation of 
the Pope, who placed his whole very considerable property at 
the disposal of the Society ; and, lastly, Quirino Garzoni, who 
evacuated one of his own houses, near the Sante Trinita, at the 
foot of the Quirinal Hill, for Ignatius and his associates to live 
therein. And not only among the rich and noble did Loyola 
seek to acquire proselytes ; he speculated also especially upon 
obtaining the friendship of the great mass of the people, and 
with this purpose it was his first principle to give assistance to 
the poor and suffering, by aid of contributions obtained by 
begging from the benevolent rich. He did this especially in the 
winter of 1538-39, when a dearth spread vast misery in Kome, 
and on that account one can well imagine how greatly esteemed 
the " Black Cloaks " were among the common people. When 
such was the case, when high and low at the same time sang 
the praises of Ignatius, how could it be otherwise than that the 
Pope's attention should more and more be directed towards him 
by whose efforts it was mainly owing that the Order was founded. 
In this locality, too, Loyola succeeded in obtaining no trifling 
results and reputation in the conversion of the Jews, of whom 
there were very many at that time in Bome, some of them being 
very rich. By what means, however, was this accomplished ? 
Among others, by an order obtained from the Pope, that no 
physician could be allowed access to the sick bed of a Jew until 
the latter had been brought to confession with the view of his 
embracing Christianity. Ignatius, therefore, so to speak, brought 
a knife to the Jews* throats in order to convert them, and from 
this a conclusion may easily be drawn as to the spirit which 
influenced the Society of Jesus. The founder of the new Order 
also now became conscious that, with the view of placing himself 
in the ascendant, he must, above everything, endeavour to gain 
the favour of the Roman ladies, and especially that class of 



them whose name is not usually mentioned in polite society. 
About the time in which our history runs, there reigned in 
Rome, as was well known, an almost unbounded state of licen- 
tiousness ; indeed, it appeared as if nearly all the profligate women 
in the whole of Italy had assembled there. All who had money 
at their command, whether lay or clerical, married or unmarried, 
young or old, kept their own mistresses ; and there were not a few 
who were scarcely even satisfied with two or three. There was no 
question but that this shamelessness existed concealed behind the 
walls of the houses ; but these ladies, too, were to be seen flouncing 
about the streets by day as well as by night, and in all pro- 
cessions they were present, especially in the churches, where 
they placed themselves in the most conspicuous places in their 
half-naked beauty. Moreover there swarmed about the residence 
of the followers of Christ a still more despicable class of the 
female creation, who went by the name of common women ; and 
as a large number of strangers was wont to resort annually to 
Rome, thousands upon thousands continued to support a 
miserable existence by the barter of their bodily charms. This, 
certainly, was a great scandal ; but, whilst in other large cities 
the state of things in this respect was no better, and as in Rome, 
previous to its becoming the capital of Christendom, there had 
been periods in its history of much greater profligacy, this 
discreditable state of things would have been winked at in high 
places, had it not been that Luther was then preaching the 
regeneration of Christendom, and that all his followers were 
pointing the finger of scorn at the old city of the Csesars. 
Indeed, this latter generally received in Germany the name 
which Luther assigned it, " The Whore of Babylon:' Even 
in those countries in which the Romish faith flourished unim- 
peached, this appellation was universally accepted by acclamation. 
Such a scandalous thing must be rectified if the greatest injury 
to the Pope and his dominion was to be averted, and Paul III. 
convoked a commission of cardinals, whose task it was to find a 
remedy for the evil. The commission assembled and held 
weekly meetings during many months. The means desired 
however, were not to be found, excepting the sensible proposal 
to expel by force the disreputable females out of the city ; this 
plan, however, had to remain in abeyance, for otherwise a 
revolution among the people would have to be faced. Lioen- 



tiousness continued, therefore, to rule the roost, and the Princes 
of the Church found themselves in the most wretched dilemma. 
Ignatius Loyola now came on the scene, and what the cardinals, 
invested with the fullest powers, failed to accomplish, he alone, 
quite unaided, completely effected. What were, then, these means 
which he proposed to himself to use ? Simple enough ; it was 
through the influence which he knew how to bring to bear upon 
the minds of those poor wretched beings. First of all he collected 
among the Roman ladies of rank sufficient money to found 
a cloister for converted sinners of the female sex, and as he at 
the same time named these ladies patronesses of the said cloister, 
they contributed largely through mere vanity, and collected 
together considerable sums. A suitable building was thus soon 
erected, and very ornamentally and invitingly arranged as to its 
interior economy. It was baptised with the beautiful title " To 
the holy Martha." A regular nunnery, however, it was not the 
intention of Loyola to make it ; but the future inmates were to 
have the right to leave the home again whenever it pleased them 
to do so, and if they found that it did not suit them to remain in 
it.. They were, therefore, on that account, not bound by any 
kind of oath, nor were they obliged to live according to any 
certain rules. In short, all restraint was from the first pro- 
hibited, and it was rendered, on the contrary, exceedingly 
attractive by offering the prospect of an easy existence without 
the trouble of work. Having now brought the matter so far, he 
commenced— not so much openly as secretly— to make interest 
for his new institution, and he soon won over some dozens of the 
poorest and most forsaken of those lost damsels on whom he forth- 
with conferred the pompously sounding title of " Congregation 
of the grace of the Holy Virgin." To enter, in our days, an 
asylum or refuge for fallen damsels, would have awakened a 
feeling of natural timidity ; but by the entrance into the " Con- 
gregation of the Holy Virgin," those miserable beings considered 
themselves raised instead of lowered, and each of the poor 
creatures looked upon herself as a penitent Magdalen. But this 
was the least part of the business. As soon as the Martha 
cloister became in some degree peopled, Loyola began to 
organise processions of his repentant beauties, and displayed in 
them such splendour that all Rome went down upon their 
knees as soon as he appeared in the streets with Ms remarkable 



following. Immediately preceding them marched a troop of 
beautiful children, who swung about smoking censers, exhaling 
delicious perfumes, or throwing a shower of flowers on all sides 
over the gaping crowd. Then came three gigantic men, each 
of whom carried a still more gigantic banner. Upon the first 
was delineated, richly ornamented with rubies, the three 
capital letters I. H. S., i.e. Jesus Hominum Salvator ; upon 
the second sparkled the image of the mother of God, with the 
inscription, " Congregation of the grace of the Holy Virgin, 
and lastly, upon the third, shone the representation of a 
wonderfully beautiful penitent, over whom a martyrs crown was 
held by three angels. Behind the banner-bearers followed 
Ignatius, surrounded by his associates, all clad in closely-fitting 
black cloaks reaching down to the ankles, and broad-brimmed 
black hats bent down on all the four sides, similar to what the 
Jesuits wear at the present time. Behind Ignatius marched 
the penitents, that is to say, the inmates of the cloister of Saint 
Martha, not, however, in sombre penitential garments, but gaily 
enveloped in white musUn cloaks finely ornamented, with 
flowers in their hair, and strings of pearis round their necks. 
The younger members of the Society of Jesus, brought up 
the close of the procession, with gariands of roses in their hands, 
and looks cast humbly on the ground, all singing together the 
hymn " Veni Creator Spiritus,- " Come God the Holy Ghost, 
or some other suitable song. In this manner did Ignatius 
appear in the streets of Rome, with his " Congregation of the 
grace of the Holy Virgin," and before the palaces of each of 
the cardinals, and especially before the dwellings of the noble 
patronesses a short halt was made, at which both the former as 
well as the latter were not a little flattered. The result was that 
the inventor of these processions received encouragement from 
«11 quarters for his undertaking, which prospered more and more, 
notwithstanding the ridicule thrown upon it by the enhghtened 
Romans themselves. Indeed, certain of the beautiful sinners 
became so enthusiastic on behalf of the new order of things 
that the Cloister of the Holy Martha was soon filled from top 
to bottom, and the name of Ignatius resounded throughout all 
countries, as care was taken to noise it abroad that he had 
succeeded in turning all the abandoned women and mistresses of 
Rome into pious penitents. 

1 ^ 





When, however, this work of Loyola was more closely looked 
into, the nimbus pretty well vanished, and, properly speaking, no 
real moral worth could be attributed to it. In the first place, 
only a very small number- of ladies who had made themselves 
notorious entered into the Congregation of the grace of the Holy 
Virgin, since it appeared that the whole number comprised in 
the Cloister of the Holy Martha did not exceed 300 penitents, 
and the conversion of the Boman world of profligacy, if not 
quite inconsiderable, became reduced to very small proportions. 
Secondly, there was really no question of any true conversion, 
that is as to a change and amendment of the moral perception 
in any single one of the penitents, whose repentance appeared 
to consist in nothing else than mere pompous show, and in the 
outward confession of past sins, upon which absolution imme- 
diately followed. Nevertheless, Loyola thereby gained two 
uncommon advantages ; first of all he put the holy Father under 
great obligation to him, it being trumpeted forth to the world 
that the whole profligacy of Rome had gone over into the 
cloister ; while in the next place, in consequence thereof, the 
severe reproaches of the adherents of the Reformation regarding 
the licentiousness of the high ecclesiastics of the Papal Court 
were capable of refutation; added to this, hearing the confessions 
of so many profligates and mistresses, put him in possession of 
such a mass of secrets that the information he thus obtained 
was of extraordinary value to him. As for example, it could 
not be easy for a cardinal or any other high personage to dare 
to oppose him in his projects relating to his Order, when such 
persons were conscious that in all probability Loyola was initiated 
into the story of their amours and former misdoings with this 
or that Donna, Olympia, or Julia ! Moreover, what influence 
had not these beautiful sinners over their lovers when the 
former, as not unfrequently happened, at a future time returned 
again to the world from the cloister of Saint Martha ? What 
power did it not put in the hands of a father confessor ? 

Loyola, therefore, was never in his life engaged in such a 
cunning business as in adopting the profligate women of Rome, 
and from that time forward all his scholars and associates have 
taken trouble, above everything, to win for themselves the 
fair sex, whether married or otherwise. In this manner Loyola 
obtained for himself a firm footing in Rome, and as he now 

thought that he had sufficiently won over to his views such as 
had influence with the Pope, in August 1539, he had the statutes 
of his Order, so far as then prepared, laid before His Holiness at 
the time residing on the Tiber. This was done by Cardinal Con- 
tarini, who was very favourably aff'ected towards Ignatius. The 
Pontiff charged Father Thomas Badia, who at that time held the 
office of High Chamberlain {Magistrum Sacri Palatii), and who 
afterwards became Cardinal, to read through the document ; but 
as the latter extolled it so much, he took it into his own hand, 
and after carefully examining it, full of astonishment and 
admiration, exclaimed, '* Digitus Dei est hie ! "— " The finger of 
God is here." He forthwith summoned Ignatius before him m 
September 1539, and, after loading him with praise, informed 
him that there was nothing whatever to hinder the ratification 
of the new Society. Who could now be more joyful than 
Ignatius ? Still this delight was soon again disturbed on his 
urging His Holiness to confirm in writing, that is to say, by a 
Bull, his verbal approval. After further consideration the 
ruler of Christendom began to entertain some scruples. The 
Pontifex was of opinion that the matter was far too weighty that 
he should dare to trust entirely to his own opinion and judgment; 
it must rather, as usual with all vital Church questions, be 
referred first of all to a Commission of Cardinals, and only after 
a favourable opinion being pronounced upon it by them could 
the Pope give his final approval. In short, he at once nominated 
such a Commission, consisting of three of the most distinguished 
Cardinals. It was thought, however, to be a bad omen that one 
of the number was the learned, upright, and sagacious Cardinal 
Bartholomew Guidiccioni, who was well known to be thoroughly 
unfavourable to the ecclesiastical Orders. From this quarter 
Ignatius was seized with great alarm as to the fate of his Order ; 
and that he had good cause for this anxiety the immediate future 
disclosed. Guidiccioni at once declared the proposed Society 
to be completely inadmissible, inasmuch as, according to the 
4th Synod of Lateran of the year 1215 and the 2nd of Lyons 
of the year 1274, it was distinctly decided that no new Order 
could in future be founded. And even were this prohibiUon of 
the Church to be set aside, the ratification of this proposed 
society of Loyola must be reünquished, as envy and jealousy 
would be aroused thereby among the Orders already exisUng; 





while, as so much hatred and disputation already reigned ram- 
pant in the Church, it was most desirable that all occasion for 
new conflicts should most carefully be avoided. " Bather abolish 
the Orders entirely," said the Cardinal at the close of his 
judgment, " or reduce their overwhelming number, than create 
an accession of monks who, we all know, bring at present more 
injury than advantage to the Papal throne." Thus judged 
Cardinal Guidiccioni, and his two colleagues agreed with him 
completely — at least, at first — so that the ambitious Loyola was 
almost driven to despair. At last, however, after an opposition 
which had continued for almost half a year, the ejfforts of Ignatius 
and his friends succeeded in bringing about a change of opinion, 
and finally even Cardinal Guidiccioni came to be, instead of an 
enemy, one of his most zealous supporters. And wherein lay 
the grounds for this change of opinion ? Simply and solely 
because the cardinals now came to the conviction that the new 
Society might be made a lever by which Roman Catholicism, so 
greatly shaken by the Reformation, might be raised up again— a 
lever and point of support for the Pope and the Papacy such as 
had never yet existed.* This conviction found favour for itself, 
partly in that the statutes of the Order and its inherent prin- 
ciples and rules had survived a long-continued and very searching 
trial, and partly also on account of several explanatory additions 
proposed to be made, to which Loyola and his friends gave their 

It was after this that, as the college charged with the exa- 
mination of the statutes had declared itself favourable thereto, 

* All authors unanimously a^ee that the Pope ratified the Order of 
Jesuits solely on grounds of utüity, that is, because he beheved that 
through it the degraded Papal power might again be resuscitated. The 
learned Schröck, for instance, declares his views:— '♦The acceptance 
of, and favour shown to, the Order of the Jesuits by the Pope is not to 
be wondered at from the state of the Catholic Church at that time ; on the 
C5ontrary, it must have been heartily welcome to the Koman Court. The 
latter had ahready lost an immense deal of groimd through the Reformation 
of Luther and Calvin, and stood in danger of being always still more a loser, 
as the former means of the Popes for securing the obedience of Christians 
^^^'^u ^°°6®^ sufficient; the other orders and ecclesiastical societies 
^ich had hitherto rendered good service had become powerless and 
effete, and enjoyed but little consideration in their own proper church. 
More powerful mstitutiona and more active defenders than the Roman 
Cathohc Church hitherto had, were required against such formidable 
and fortunate opponents. Now a society offered itself which promised 
to devote itself to all the requirements of the Church, and render 

• f^i^f« implicit obedience to the Popes. Why should it, then, bo 

the Pope himself naturally took no further exception to the 
solemn formal ratification of the new Society under the name of 
" Societas Jesu," * and this, in fact, took place on the 27th 
September 1540, through a special Bull commencing with the 
words, " Regimini militantis ecclesicE.'^ 

In this manner was the Order of the Jesuits called into 


* Most of the remaining orders were named after their founders. Loyola, 
however, did not seek for LoyoHtes or Ignatianites, but for Jesuits, as not 
m3 butJesus he wished to be considered the head of the Societj he 
had founded On that account he had from the first the intention of g^^n^ 
h?s SoSety the expressive title of "Phalanx Jesu," and also ''Compa^ia di 
Gfesu''" Societas Jesu " in Latin, and it was not, therefore, Paul IIL who 
Svented this name, which originated entirely -itV^ftrLovX's'delth 
Lsimiation " Jesuit " came, moreover, into use only after Loyola s deatn, 
According to general belief originated in Paris from the celebrated 
Etienne Pasquier,the advocate of the Parisian University m its tra^actions 
Ähe JesS O^der during the latter half of the ^^^1^-^^;^^^^^^^^ 
to this time the Jesuits were called, as has been already related, 
" Companions of Jesus," 






The reader will now be curious to become acquainted with 
the statute which Loyola submitted to the Pope, and I therefore 
place it before him in a verbal translation. Thus begins this 
very memorable document : — 

" Whoever will, as a member of our Society, upon which we 
have bestowed the name of Jesus, fight under the banner of the 
Cross, and serve God alone and His representative on earth, the 
Pope of Rome, after having in the most solemn manner taken 
the vow of chastity, must always recollect that he now belongs 
to a Society which has been instituted simply and solely in 
order to perfect in the souls of men the teaching and dissemina- 
tion of Christianity, as also to promulgate the true faith by 
means of the public preaching of God's word, by holy exercises 
and macerations, by works of love, and especially by the educa- 
tion of the young, and the instruction of those who have hitherto 
had no correct knowledge of Christianity, and lastly by hearing 
the confessions of believers, and giving them holy consolation. 
He should always have God before his eyes, or, more correctly, 
the aim of our Society and our Order, which is the sole way to 
God, and strive with his best exertions to bring about the 
accomplishment of this aim. On the other hand, each one 
should be satisfied with the measure of grace dispensed to him 
by the Holy Ghost, and not contend in judgment with others 


who are, perhaps, more discreet. In order to effect this more 
easily, and with the view of upholding that order rightly which 
is necessary in all well-regulated societies, it shall be for the 
General alone, the Chief selected from among us, to have the 
right of deciding how each should be employed, and of 
determining who would be most suitable for this or that office 

or business. 

"Further, this Chief or General shall have the power, with the 
approval of his associates, to frame the fixed rules and constitu- 
tion of the Society, and judge whatever will be most fitted for 
the attainment of the chief aim of the Society, not, however, 
without having previously asked the associates and consulted 
with them. On all important occasions, and where it concerns 
permanent regulations, the General has on that account to con- 
voke the whole members of the Society, or, at least, the greater 
number of them, and then the point will be decided by a simple 
majority. In the case of less important matters, however, 
especially where dispatch is needed, it shall be quite sufficient 
to call together in council such of the associates as may happen 
to be present on the spot where the General resides. The 
carrying out of the laws, moreover, no less than the proper 
right of command, and supreme power, belongs solely to the 
Chief, and to no third person. 

"Be it known to all men further, that it must be engraven, 
not only on the doors of their Profess-houses, but also on 
their hearts in capital letters as long as they live, that the entire 
Society and all and sundry who enter into the same are bound 
to render implicit obedience to our holy lord the Pope, as also 
to all his successors, and in this obedience to fight only for 
God. However learned and thereby orthodox they may have 
become in the Bible, all Christian believers owe obedience and 
allegiance to the Pope of Bome as visible head of the Church 
and representative of Jesus Christ ; so, also, do we hold our- 
selves bound by a special vow of general obedience for the 
submission of this Order in general, as also for the formal 
spiritual mortification of each individual among us in particular, 
and for the public renunciation of our own proper will. This 
vow requires that whatever the present Pope or his successors 
may order, provided it redound to the advantage of souls and 
the propagation of the faith, that for whatever mission it is 

'■ *i 



desired we may be employed in, whether it be to the Turks or 
other unbelievers, even if it be as far as India, or to heretics, 
Lutherans, or schismatics, or, lastly, even should it be wished 
to send us among the orthodox, we shall immediately obey 
without any delay, and without offering any excuse whatever. 
On this account it behoves all who are minded to join our 
Society, before they take this burden upon their shoulders, well 
and maturely to consider whether they have the command of 
such spiritual means as would enable them to climb, with God's 
assistance, those steep heights ; that is, whether the Holy Ghost, 
who impels them, has poured upon them such a measure of 
spiritual grace, that they may dare to hope, with His assistance, 
they may not succumb under the burden of their vocation. Are 
you quite prepared to range yourselves for war service under 
the banner of Jesus Christ ? So must you gird up your loins 
day and night, and be ready at any hour of the day or night to 
bear the burden you have undertaken. 

" No one belonging to the Society shall, impelled by ambi- 
tion, carry out, of his own accord, this or that mission or function, 
and still less shall any member have the right to enter inde- 
pendently into communication, directly or indirectly, with the 
Roman chair, or other ecclesiastical authorities ; it is only 
God alone, or rather, that is to say. His representative, the 
Pope, as also the General of the Order, who can do this. All 
such orders must proceed from them ; but when a member has 
a commission given to him to execute, he shall not under any 
circumstances whatever hesitate to undertake the same ; on the 
other hand, he may not engage to concert or come to an 
arrangement with the Pope regarding any great mission work 
without the approval of the Society. All and every one must 
vow to render implicit obedience to the decision of the Chief on 
all points relative to the rules of the Order ; he himself, however, 
on the other hand, must engage to issue only such commands 
as he considers conformable to the attainment of the object 
the Society has in view. Also must he in the administration of 
his office always have before his eyes the example of the good- 
ness, gentleness, and love given by Christ and His Apostles, 
Peter and Paul, and so shall he also instruct all his councillors 
and higher officials. Especially must he take care that the 
education of the young, and the instruction of ignorant adults in 



the principles of Christian teaching, in the Ten Commandments 
and the other elements, both as to time and place, as also with 
regard to the person himself, shall never be neglected, and, 
indeed, this is the more necessary, as without a well-founded 
faith no true edifice can be erected. Moreover, it is clear that if 
the General should not take the business strictly in hand, one or 
other of the brethren, erroneously thinking himself more accom- 
plished, and believing this or that land, or this or that district, 
to be much too small and inconsiderable for the extent of his 
knowledge, might abandon the instruction, whilst in fact nothing 
could be more serviceable than this instruction, as well for the 
edification of his neighbour as for exercise in works of humility 
and love, and, lastly, for the attainment of our chief object. 
In a word, the members of the Society shall, according to the 
rules of the Order, implicitly obey the Chief, or General, in every 
particular, and on all occasions, to the infinite benefit of the 
Society, and the continual exercise of humility never to be 
sufficiently commended, considering him with becoming rever- 
ence as the representative of Christ, the commander-in-chief of 
the heavenly hosts. Now, whilst experience teaches that there 
are no men who have a purer, more edifying, or more agreeable 
life as regards their neighbours, than those who are furthest 
removed from the poison of avarice, and stand closest to evan- 
gelical poverty ; and while we further know that the Lord Jesus 
Christ provides all his servants, when engaged in the service of 
the kingdom of heaven, with all necessaries of food, drink, and 
clothing ; so shall each and every member of our Order make a 
vow of perpetual poverty, and at the same time declare that 
neither for themselves, that is, for their own proper persons, nor 
also for the maintenance and use of the Order itself in common, 
shall they take or obtain possession of any lands or property, 
wherever situated, or merely the income derived therefrom, but 
rather be satisfied with what they can voluntarily spend in 
administering to the wants and necessities of others. 

"It will be still free to them to establish one or more colleges 
at the universities, for the maintenance of which the acceptance 
of lands and estates, with the income derived therefrom, need 
not be declined, on the understanding that they are to be used 
for the good of the students. The superintendence, however, 
over the before-mentioned colleges, the students attached to them. 





as well as the administration of the same, and of the incomes 
appertaining to them, rests entirely with the General and with 
those brethren of the Order entrusted by him with such power, 
as also, indeed, the appointment, dismissal, recall, and expulsion 
of the teachers, superiors, and students, besides whatever con- 
cerns the introduction of statutes, regulations, and laws, the 
instruction of the pupils, their indoctrination, their punishments, 
their clothing, and, above all things, their education, guidance, 
and management. It will, in this way, be best made certain 
that the students can never misuse the said estates and incomes, 
nor can it even be a question of the Society employing the same 
for their own benefit and advantage. On the contrary, the entire 
interest of the college properties shall be appropriated to their 
maintenance, and to defraying the expenses of the education of 
the pupils ; the latter, however, may be admitted into our Society 
as soon as they have obtained sufficient proficiency in science 
and learning, and can even themselves work as teachers. All 
members of the Order who are consecrated to the priesthood, 
though they enjoy neither any church benefices, nor any other 
revenues, still have the duty of discharging all church functions, 
and are also bound to rehearse the office after church usage 
privately, that is, each individually for himself, but not in 
common as monks in cloister. 

" This is the statute of our Order, which we have sketched 
by the suggestion of the Holy Father Paul, and now 
submit for the approval of the Apostolic Chair. It is only a 
summary outline, but it will sufficiently enlighten those who are 
interested in our doings and proceedings, and it will serve as a 
criterion for those who subsequently join this Order. Since we 
now, moreover, know exactly, by long personal experience, with 
how many and great difficulties a life such as ours is surrounded, 
we have likewise found how advantageous it is that no one should 
be allowed to join our Society as a member who has not pre- 
viously undergone an exact and searching examination. First, 
then, he can only be admitted to the war service of Christ if he 
has been found efficiently skilled in the service of Christ, and 
clean and pure in his teaching and mode of life ; may he, how- 
ever, to our small beginning add his grace and favour, to the 
honour of God the Father, to whom be glory and praise in 
ptemity, Amen." 

Thus run the rules of the new Order, which Paul III. con- 
firmed, on the 27th September 1540, under the title of the Society 
of Jesus, but, it must be added, with the addition that the 
number of members should be limited to sixty. 

Still, these rules formed only the first principle, the mere 
beginning of the subsequent organisation of the Order of the 
Jesuits, and we shall be informed, in the next chapter, that 
the more precise and weighty of the laws and constitutions were 
only added afterwards. Still, in this initiatory sketch, or rather, 
by this small commencement, indications are not wanting of 
something eotirely difibrent from what at first existed. First 
and foremost, in addition to the three customary vows of chastity, 
poverty, and obedience to superiors, comes a fourth, the vow of 
absolute and unlimited submission to the Pope (obedientia 
illimitatCB erga Pontiflcem), and from this it follows that the 
members of the Society of Jesus are nothing else than an army 
of spiritual warriors who devote themselves entirely to the service 
of the Romish Chair. The second not less important point is 
that the new Order should not by any means be a monkish order, 
in spite of the obligation of the above-named vows. Up to this 
time the monks went by the name of whatever Order to which 
they belonged ; they lived together in cloisters, and led therein a 
life apparently devoted to God ; the Jesuits, on the contrary, 
were to live in the world, and not in seclusion. They were to 
possess, it is true, profess-houses, that is to say, houses of accom- 
modation for the members who had bound themselves by all the 
four vows ('* profess " is equivalent to " vow "), but none of them 
could remain stationary anywhere for any length of time, and each 
must always hold himself in readiness to be sent about here and 
there on any particular duty for which he might be required. 
Their task was not that of following a life of contemplation, but 
that of working among men for the benefit of the Pope, and of 
labouring in far away missions among the heathen, as well as in 
their native Europe fighting against heretics and schismatics. 
The third cardinal point is that they acknowledge education, 
secular as well as spiritual, to be the chief object of their lives. 
By the former must be understood the education of adults back- 
ward in knowledge, as well as that of the young, in the true, or 
Roman Catholic religion, for only in this way could a lasting and 
effectual stop be put to the extension of heresy. Spiritual 

4 * 





education, on the other hand, would be prosecuted among the 
so-called novices, such youths merely as had the desire of pre- 
paring themselves for admittance into the Jesuit Order, as it may 
be supposed that the novices or pupils in question ought to be 
thoroughly perfected for the objects of the Order. With the view, 
moreover, that this essential principle of the Order, education^ 
should be eflFectual, and, indeed, might be looked upon as a 
fourth cardinal point, it was required that the vow of poverty 
should be modified in some degree, or, rather, raised, as it wore, 
by an artificial lever, and so transformed into the reverse. The 
professed brethren themselves should, properly speaking, be poor 
and possess nothing of their own; but the educational institutions 
and colleges, on the other hand, which were entirely under the 
protection and control of the members and General of the Order, 
had the right to take whatever might be given them, and the 
more that was given the better pleased were the rectors and 
directors appointed by the General. As the fifth and last car- 
dinal point, which, indeed, gave to the Order from the commence- 
ment its firm internal cohesion, I have to state that the General 
or Chief was elected for life, and was endowed with completely 
absolute sovereign authority. He might not, indeed, alter or 
remodel the constitution without the advice and approval of his 
associates, but in all other matters implicit and unconditional 
obedience must be rendered to him, without any one having the 
right even of asking questions as to his reasons, and he might 
not only bestow oflBces and commissions according to his judg- 
ment, but he had to be looked upon as Christ's representative, 
the embodied Jesus. 

Under such circumstances was it that the Order must neces- 
sarily obtain such a unified power as no society or institution in 
the whole world had ever before acquired, seeing that each 
member of the Society of Jesus, on his admission, gave up his 
own will and became, indeed, henceforth an instrument merely 
for the use of the Order. 

These are the five cardinal points by which the statutes of the 
Jesuit Society were pre-eminently distinguished from any pre- 
ceding Order, and when we contemplate these points the more 
closely we cannot but be astonished at the extraordinary wisdom 
which they reflect. Not the less are we struck, at first sight, 
with the reason why the Roman Court promised for itself great 

advantages from the new Order, especially in opposing the 
increasing progress of the Reformation, and on that account 
we need not wonder that Paul III. solemnly confirmed the 
institution. On the other hand, there is not to be found in 
the statutes the slightest thing that detracts from the prosperity 
and advancement of the human race, and even the object of self- 
perfectibility, which among religious bodies had hitherto been 
the principal one, must give way thoroughly before that of the 
•* defence of Papal things.'* Leaving all this aside, the new 
Order presented but a glaring contradiction, with its laws of 
reason and morality, because it required of its members, as an 
indispensable condition of their admittance, a complete surrender 
of all personal wishes and inclinations, of all personal dealings 
and striving after advancement ; in like manner must all thought 
of domestic life and friendship, all love of parents and sisters, all 
thought of country and home, all desire after or taste for beauty 
and art, be abandoned completely. In a word, all sources of 
the inner life of soul and body must be extinguished, in order to 
obtain the knighthood of Faith, with its concomitants of 
uninterrupted zeal and obedience. 






The first business which the new Order had to take in hand was 
to elect a Chief or General, and the choice fell unanimously on 
Ignatius Loyola, the founder of the Society. It is true, certainly, 
that there happened to be at that time only five members of the 
Order present in Rome, namely Lejay, Pasquet-Brouet, Laynez, 
Cordur, and Salmeron, but the election, nevertheless, may still 
be termed unanimous, because the remaining members trans- 
mitted their votes in writing. Ignatius, in fact, entered on his 
contemplated oflBce on holy Easter Day of the year 1541, and 
it must have been uncommonly flattering to his fiery ambition 
that he had, through immense perseverance, at length brought 
the matter so far. On the other hand, he frequently asked him* 
self whether he would be able to carry out even a small part 
only of what he had with his people promised to perform, 
as the situation in which at that time the Papacy found it- 
self was a superlatively difficult one. Throughout the whole 
Christian world purity of the faith was completely obli- 
terated ; and, instead of Christian fervency and love, complete 
indifference had crept in. The ecclesiastics and priests had 
shown themselves to be unworthy of their office through their 
almost general shameless mode of life, and they possessed so small 
a knowledge of God's Word as to be unable to determine whether 
Melchisedec had been a butler or a dancing-master. As to the 
cloisters I will not at present speak^ and still less of the chastity 


to be found therein. It could not be denied that even in Rome 
itself more heathenism than Christianity prevailed, and so little 
awe was there for the Almighty among men, that, as a proof 
thereof, in lonely churches a dog even might be seen chained to 
the high altar to protect the deeply venerated property, and 
prevent the Pyx being stolen out of the tabernacle. If this were 
the case in Rome, it seemed even worse throughout the rest of 
the world. Spain and Italy were smothered in ignorance and 
sloth ; Germany through Luther, France through Calvin, 
Switzerland through Zwingle, and England through its own king 
showed a great falling away from the Catholic faith ; every day 
added to the number of heretics as well as heresies. In those 
regions still remaining Catholic the most shameless and wicked 
abominations were perpetrated with laughter and derision ; as, for 
instance, wicked grooms were not ashamed to mix the consecrated 
Host with the oats they gave to their horses, or to solemnise 
their carousals with the holy cup. And who now espoused the 
cause of the miserably down-fallen Romish Church ? Scarcely 
anyone in the whole wide world ; and if any did do so, it was 
without earnest good -will. 

With the initiation of the Order of Jesuits, however, all this 
was changed ; things soon assumed a very different appear- 
ance, and the world saw with astonishment what immeasurably 
great things a small society could accomplish as soon as it was 
conducted by one of iron will, who never lost sight of the aim 
and object he had in view. This same iron will Ignatius— now, 
indeed, in his fiftieth year — possessed even in a still greater 
degree than when, formerly, he insisted upon his half-healed leg 
being broken again in order that he might not appear in the 
world a mutilated cripple. Had he not day and night before 
his eyes the victory of Christ's Kingdom, as he designated the 
supremacy of the Papacy ? As he now considered himself con- 
secrated to the service of Jesus, he at once severed all bonds 
that still tied him to the world, especially that of blood-relation- 
ship ; as, for instance, he threw into the fire, without reading 
them, letters which after a long interval arrived for him from 
his home, and which had been joyously handed to him by the 
porter of the profess-house. He claimed also from his associates 
the absolute renunciation of all personal relations, and especially 
required of them, as warriors of Christ, the same unconditional 



blind obedience wbicb a soldier owes to his officer. In this 
respect he was quile inexorable, without the slightest considera- 
tion for the birth, knowledge, understanding, or attainments of 
the individual. It might so happen, for instance, that he would 
suddenly call upon the most learned among the associates to 
perform the duties of cook, merely with the object of exercising 
him in humility ; or he would require another, who from his noble 
birth might consider himself capable of some important service, to 
clean out the kitchen or sweep the street. He was especially 
severe on idleness, and two younger brethren who were standing 
gaping idly about them, at the door of the Roman College, were 
compelled to carry up a heap of stones to the upper storey 
piece by piece, and to bring them down again on the following 
day. But, above all things, he exhibited the greatest severity 
upon those who did not immediately and on the instant attend 
to his orders, or who in the least seemed to allow it to be seen 
that they were inclined to submit those orders to their own 
judgment. Even Laynez himself, who might, so to speak, be 
looked upon as the chief in the Order, was obliged to apologise 
most humbly, as he on one occasion disapproved of an order of 
Ignatius, and permitted himself to raise expostulations against 
it. He, Ignatius, the Master of the Order, he took care to say, 
was ready day and night to comply with the orders of the Pope, 
and exactly, in like manner, must the members of the Society of 
Jesus be ready to comply with his (Ignatius's) orders. A 
brother, even while engaged in listening to a confession or in 
performing mass, dare not delay an instant if wanted by the 
Master, as the summons of the General was to be looked upon 
as equivalent to the call of Christ Himself. In short, Ignatius 
went upon the principle that if something substantial was to be 
effected, it could only be when one mind and one will pervaded 
the whole Society, and that it was only by carrying out this 
principle to the utmost that the end in view could really be 

As soon as the new General was elected, on the 22nd of April 
1541, he organised a great procession to all the most remarkable 
churches and stations in the city of Rome, and marched along 
with it to the Church of St. Paul, outside the walls, and after 
reading mass he took before the high altar first the third and 
then the fourth vow, and finally demanded the same four vows 


from his associates. After the conclusion of this ceremony 
began the proper work of the Society. Ignatius allotted to each 
of his associates his own particular sphere of action, and urged 
upon every individual the task of being, before everything, most 
active in the extension and augmentation of the Society. 
Araoz and Villanouva, two newly-acquired members, he sent to 
Spain, Rodriguez to Portugal, Xavier to India, Brouet with 
some others to England, Lejay, Bobadilla, and Le Fevre to 
Germany, Cordur with fifteen others to France, Laynez and 
Salmeron as Papal legates to the assembly of the Church at 
Trient. In short, he apportioned off the world among his asso- 
ciates, while he himself remained in Rome in order thence to 
conduct the whole affair. The results completely answered the 
expectations of Ignatius and of the Pope, and even, indeed, sur- 
passed them, for, after the lapse of some years, there arose in 
the great majority of the university towns Jesuit colleges, in 
which there was no lack of novices. Wherever there was con- 
tention in religious matters, in whatever countries the princes 
and people were at variance on this account, and, in short, 
wherever the old faith strove with the new, there now also 
appeared the ambassadors of Loyola, and the Black Cloaks with 
their sagacity, their eloquence, their zeal and energy, caused the 
side which they defended to triumph almost universally, the result 
being that they obtained for themselves a firm footing * 

While the Pope now derived so much benefit from the new 
Society, he naturally enough could not prove himself ungrateful, 
and Ignatius, therefore, easily acquired from him one advantage 
after another. It was thus that the Jesuit General obtained the 
two churches, " De la Strata " and " To the Holy Andrew " ; as 
also sufficient space at the foot of Engelsburg for the erection of 
a splendid " Profess-house " for the members of the Four Vows. 
He thus succeeded in bringing into existence a number of costly 
institutions, as, for instance, the " Rosenstift," designed for the 
protection of young girlsi and as a refuge for fallen women. Also 
schools, where catechising took place, for Jews who had embraced 
Christianity, as well as orphanages for parentless boys and girls 
who were destitute. The chief thing, however, which occasioned 
Ignatius to rejoice, was the amplification of the privileges for his 

* The particulars regarding all this are to be found in detail in the second 
book of this work. 




Order under Paul III., for without such proofs of favour the 
Society of Jesus could never have been able to raise itself to that 
height of splendour which, as history teaches us, it succeeded in 

Already, in 1543, two years only after the foundation of the 
Order, it became apparent that the number of sixty members, 
which was at first determined on by the Pope, had been found to 
be far too limited, as in such an uncommonly large field of 
labour which the Jesuits occupied, what could be accomplished 
by sixty members only ! On that account Paul III. issued a 
new BuD on the 14th of March 1543, which, by the words with 
which it commences, Injunctum nobis, gives to Ignatius the 
power to take as many members as he wishes, a privilege of 
which advantage was, naturally enough, at once taken. What 
was even a still more valuable addition for the Order, contained 
in the same Bull, was an authorisation the effect of which was 
in fact immeasurable, and such as no order could hitherto boast. 
It was no less than that Loyola, as well as all future Generals of 
the Order, could, with the sanction of the most distinguished 
members in council, alter, expunge, or make additions to the 
laws of the Society, or create entirely new regulations, according 
as it appeared under the circumstances to be most advantageous; 
and it was decreed that these altered and newly-framed statutes, 
even in the case when the Boman Chair had no knowledge of 
them, should have the same validity as if the Pope himself had 
confirmed them. Although it seems almost madness that a 
Pope should impart a privilege of this description to any 
General of any Order, it thus stands verbally written in the Bull 
Injufictum nobis. It, in fact, made the individual in question 
thereby almost independent of the Papal chair, and at the same 
time a despot of such extraordinary power that it was calculated 
to render all States distrustful of him. For instance, does not 
every Government, solicitous for the welfare of its subjects and 
for its own stability, require that the rules and constitution of all 
such societies as that of the Jesuits should be submitted for its 
acceptance and toleration? Would it not carefully examine 
beforehand the contents of the same to ascertain exactly whether 
they were in accordance with the laws of the country, or whether 
there might be any possibility that the weal of the State might 
be undermined thereby ? Certainly every wise Government 


would naturally thus act, and the Jesuits, therefore, as well as all 
other Orders in the different countries into whicb they had 
penetrated, had to submit their constitution for approval. 
How would it be, then, if the General, after permission being 
granted, was pleased to alter its constitution, and incorporate 
among its rules some resolution, perhaps, highly dangerous to 
the State ? Truly the above-described authorisation might 
well startle and be a warning to any State in allowing the Order 
of Jesuits to become rooted among them, while this Papal Bull 
made it indeed a chameleon whereby every succeeding General 
might be able to give a new colour to the rules, so that conse- 
quently no trust could be placed at all in them. 

Ignatius then obtained a new privilege, through another 
decree, published on the 5th of June 1545, which also contri- 
buted not a little to the power of the new Order. The Pope 
thereby conferred on the Jesuits the right to ascend any 
pulpit wherever they went, to teach in all places, and to establish 
Professorial chairs everywhere ; to hear confessions, and grant 
absolution for every sin, even for such as the Papal Chair had 
reserved for itself to consider ; to exempt from all Church penal- 
ties and curses ; to dispense with vows and pilgrimages, and to 
order, as well, other good works ; to read mass in all places and 
at all hours ; to administer the sacraments without necessarily 
having the acquiescence of the local priesthood, or even the 
bishop of the place. 

This was once more an enormous advantage for the Jesuits 
over rival Orders, none of whom ever possessed such extensive 
privileges ; and, indeed, it caused them to burst with envy. 
What embittered the ordinary priesthood still more against the 
Black Cloaks was that in granting absolution they never imposed 
any very severe punishment, even for grave sins, thereby snatching 
from their rivals many penitents, and consequently depriving 
them of no inconsiderable part of their income and influence. 
But indignation was of no avail to them, and even the com» 
plaints of distinguished bishops had no weight with the Pope, 
who entertained a particular affection for the Jesuits, and, in 
very truth, on good grounds. 

Moreover, about a year afterwards, a further extension of 
the Order occurred. Hitherto there had existed only two 
classes of the same, novices and professed members ; that is to 




Mii ; 

say, sach as had taken upon themselves the four vows, and such 
as had been received into the holy colleges as pupils, in order 
that they might be properly brought up as regular Jesuits. The 
latter were as yet not members, properly speaking, but only 
aspirants or candidates, who might easily be again dismissed at 
pleasure, on being found unsuitable. It was now, however, 
indispensably requisite, if the Order, as Loyola designed it, was 
to be spread over the whole world, that the number of instru.- 
ments should be increased, as with the hundred or hundred 
and twenty which there were in the year 1546 the claims upon 
them could not be by any means fully satisfied. How, then, was 
this evil to be remedied ? In the first place it was requisite, 
some way or other, that a greater number should be made to 
take the four vows, becoming thereby professed members. 
Loyola, indeed, had the power of doing this through the Bull 
Injunctum nobis, but was it advisable ? The professed 
members formed, so to speok, the privy councillors of the 
General, and without their consent the constitution of the Order 
could not be altered. A large conclave, however, would make 
unanimity difficult, according to the old proverb, " Many heads 
many minds." Some plan for preventing this must be found, 
as it would be unwise to trust a large body of men with the 
innermost thoughts and ideas of the Order, for there must 
always be a greater number of scabbed sheep in a large flock 
than in a small one. Thus prudence, certainly, strongly forbade 
that thousands should be promoted to be professed members, 
and Loyola, as well as his associates, held the opinion that the 
number of Jesuits proper, that is to say, of professed members, 
should be limited as much as practicable.* While, therefore, no 
assistance could well be gained in this direction, more instru» 
ments must, in some way or other, be found at any price. 

It then entered into the mind of Loyola to create a third 
class of members, who might be of as much use to the Order 
as the professed members, without, however, having the rights of 
the same. This class he designated " Coadjutors,*' and he at once 
divided them into two subdivisions, " the secular and spiritual 

• In the year 1715, when the Order had attained its highest state of 
prosperity, when it possessed over 700 colleges and numbered more than 
22,000 members, there existed only twenty-four profess-houses, in none of 
which lived more than ten professed members. Proof sufficient that the 
principle above stated remained a üzed rule. 


coadjutors." The Pope, also, at once sanctioned this new arrange- 
ment, in a special Bull, which was signed on the 5th of June 1 546. 
In this way the Order of Jesuits had the following organisa- 
tion. The novices formed the lowest grade, out of which the 
proper stock might be recruited. The most talented and highly 
educated youths were selected and first brought into the " Trial 
House " (domus prohationis), where the novice master (maltster 
novitiorum) kept them under observation and watched over them 
with an assistant during a period of twenty days. Should 
they then continue firm in their determination of entering the 
Order, and should this inspection prove favourable to them, ie, 
should they be found to be fit and suitable subjects, they were 
then promoted to be true noviciates, and came into the Noviciate 
House, where they had to remain during two years. In the first 
year they had to undergo all the degrees of self-denial, they 
had to castigate their flesh, and had to nurse in the hospitals the 
most filthy and disgusting patients; they were also kept at 
the occupation of begging and other low employments, besides 
which they were practised by the master in frequent confessions, 
and compelled to lay open all their most secret thoughts and 
desires daily, with the most blind obedience. In the second 
year, when they had proved their humility and submission to 
authority, they were assigned more intellectual than corporeal 
employments, and were exercised especially in preaching, cate- 
chising, and in other things concerning the welfare of the soul. 
But at the same time, care was taken against fatiguing them too 
much, in order that the next stage should not be rendered dis- 
agreeable to them, and several amusements even were not denied 
them, as, for instance, attending prosecutions of the Inquisition 
and other similar sights. On their having completed the two 
years of noviciate successfully, then the three vows of poverty, 
chastity, and obedience were administered to them, and they 
were promoted to be spiritual coadjutors. As such, during the 
first two years, they were only so-called scholastics, that is to 
say, proved pupils who might be employed in the colleges, 
or, also, as assistants in missions. When, however, they had 
acquired sufficient experience to render them more independently 
useful, they were advanced, according to their talents and ability, 
to be professors, rectors, preachers, confessors, &c., and were 
now designated coadjuiores formati, i.e. true assistants. 



Besides them, there were secular assistants, or coadjutores 
saculares, who acted, so to speak, as lay brethren, and without 
having received any higher ordination were charged with the 
house-keeping duties in colleges, missions, and profess-houses. 
They had nothing to do with the priesthood, i.e with the cure of 
souls, or with education, and, as they had to perform menial 
services, were held in but trifling esteem. 

The superior lay brethren, however, not infrequently received 
the title of secular coadjutors, to distinguish them, on account 
of their true services to the Order, and then such under- 
took no definite functions, but continued to remain rather in 
their hitherto worldly position. They were merely confederates, 
or *' aflBliates " ; they were also called, derisively, short-coated 
Jesuits, or Jesuits in voto ; and the pupils of Loyola boasted 
that even crowned heads belonged to this class of the Order, in 
the persons of the Emperor Ferdinand II. and King Louis XIV. 

Lastly, the professed members formed the highest grade and 
proper heart and soul of the Society, i,e, those who had taken the 
four vows upon them, and consequently gave implicit obedience 
to the Pope, and such were selected from the class of coadjutors 
distinguished among their brethren for their worldly wisdom, 
knowledge, fidelity, and experience. To these only were entrusted 
by the General the highest oflBces and most important posts, as 
he could depend upon them in every respect. They seldom, 
therefore, lived at ease in the profess-houses, only, indeed, when 
unwell or temporarily unemployed from some other cause ; one 
would serve as a missionary among the heathen, another as a 
warrior of God against the heretics, a third as a ruler of some 
colony in a distant quarter of the globe, a fourth as father con- 
fessor of some prince or lady of distinction, a fifth as Resident 
of the Order in some locality where it had not as yet possessed 
a college, a sixth as legate of the Pope in some special mission, 
a seventh, eighth, or ninth, as assistant to the General in 
Bome, or as supreme leader in some particular province, as 
provincial or as superior of a profess-house, or as rector of a 
college. Under these circumstances, as none can at the same 
time serve two masters, they were for the time quite exempt from 
the obligation as to the instruction of youth, which last duty 
was left entirely to the coadjutors. On the other hand, the 
professed members had from time to time to make their appear- 


ance in Rome, at general chapters, or meetings, in order to take 
a part in consultations regarding any proposed change in the 
statutes, and it was they also who elected from amongst their 
number the General when that office happened to become vacant. 

From the. time Loyola conceived the idea of calling the class 
of coadjutors into existence, the interior economy of the Order 
was in this manner henceforth arranged, and one may perceive 
now that the fixed regulations were much more important than 
at first sight appeared. 

In the same year, 1546, in which the new classification of 
the Order of Jesuits was eflPected, Loyola gained still another 
important victory. It happened, namely, that King Ferdinand, 
brother of the Emperor Charles V., came to form so high an 
opinion of Lejay, who, as we have seen above, laboured for the 
Order in Germany, that he wished him to be made Bishop of 
Triest. He wrote on this account to the Pope, who was natu- 
rally quite ready to confer a favour on the great man. The 
Society of Jesus also hoped to consolidate its power through the 
elevation to such rank of a member of their Order, as the 
remaining Orders, such as the Dominicans, Franciscans, Bene- 
dictines, or whatever else they may be designated, always courted 
such dignities, and were in the highest degree proud whenever 
anyone of their body gained an important Church preferment as 
Bishop or Archbishop. One might easily, therefore, suppose 
that this would be the case with Ignatius Loyola, and that he 
would be readv to clutch with both hands the contemplated 
honour for one of his associates, more especially as to the 
Bishopric of Triest a considerable income was attached. To the 
great astonishment, then, of the Pope and King Ferdinand, 
Loyola took quite a diff'erent view, and opposed the elevation of 
Le;ay, through think and thin, as soon as he received news of the 
same. "We members of the Society of Jesus," said he to 
the Pope, as he afterwards wrote in quite similar terms to 
the King, " are warriors of Christ, and must therefore possess 
all the characteristics of good soldiers. We must be always 
ready to advance against the enemy, and be always prepared to 
harass him or to fall upon him, and on that account we must 
not venture to tie ourselves to any particular place. How could 
we else, at the first hint from your Holiness, which is certainly 
our duty above everything, fly from one town or city to another, 




i i 

or from one end of the world to another ? Besides, the lowly 
character of our Order forhids that one of us should accept a high 
Church preferment, and we must he most careful not to awaken 
again the jealousy of the other Orders as we have hefore done." 
It was in this sense that Loyola spoke, and it may he that he 
was in earnest in giving the arguments he advanced as the 
cause of his dissent ; but, at any rate, such were not the only 
reasons, hut besides them he had still others in the background, 
and, indeed, much more weighty ones. Why, truly, was it not 
much more probable, as, indeed, it became in the future the rule, 
that the most ambitious among the Jesuits never would remain 
quiet until they had secured for themselves places of great 
honour ? We know now that the Order was almost deprived of its 
highest glory, and its transcendant powers were taken away, owing 
to this cause. Independent of this, too, how would it be with the 
rigorous monarchy in the Order, with the omnipotence of the 
General, and the subordination of the members, were there a 
possibility of the power of the Grand Master being in any way 
diminished ? Could there be any longer a question that the 
Bishops or Archbishops, and, together with them, the Prince 
of the kingdom in which they lived, would not remain in such 
subjection to the General of the Order as had previously been 
the case ? It would not be possible, even if it were wished, 
because a prince must necessarily fulfil his required obligations, 
against which orders from Rome would be of no avail. 

All this said Loyola to himself; therefore, as the Pope and 
King Ferdinand did not on the instant assent to his representa- 
tions, he, without any more ceremony, finally forbad Lejay to 
accept the proffered appointment. Indeed, this was not enough 
for him ; but he made it from this time an irrefragable law, that 
a member of the Society of Jesus should never on any account 
accept an episcopal chair, and for this reason he himself declined 
the oflBce of Cardinal which was offered to him. 

What did the " I " signify to himself, or what did the " I " 
matter to his associates ? His only pride and pleasure was the 
success and prosperity of the Society he had founded. Along 
with the continuously increasing extension of the Order of Jesus 
their wishes, as may well be imagined, kept pace ; for although 
individual members were obliged, for themselves, to take the vow 
of poverty, as has been above explained, they still retained the 


right of accepting all they could get for the use of the colleges 
they had founded, and of this right, indeed, they made the most 
extensive use. They also showed themselves, from the very 
first, not at all scrupulous in regard to the means they took to 
acquire this or that possession, and as a proof of this, I will now 
give the reader an instance. 

In the year 1542, Laynez, who was at that time working for 
the Order in Venice, caused a rich old nobleman, of the name of 
Andreas Lippomani, to make over the house and property which 
he possessed in Padua to the Jesuit Order on behoof of a 
college to be founded ; and as this present was of considerable 
value, the whole farm being estimated to be worth 40,000 
ducats, Loyola rejoiced exceedingly. He felt it, however, to be 
all the more disagreeable, when on the death of Andreas, the 
rightful heir disputed the will and brought an action before the 
Venetian Senate, within whose jurisdiction the matter rested. At 
the commencement it seemed doubtful which party would gain 
the cause, and the balance of justice for some time oscillated 
considerably backwards and forwards undecidedly ; in the end, 
however, it appeared tolerably clear that the Senate would decide 
in favour of the legitimate heir, as he proved that his deceased 
relative, at the time the deed was drawn up, had become imbecile 
from old age, and had not his clear wits about him. This news 
drove Loyola into despair, and in his agitation he promised to 
the Virgin three thousand masses, and if that was not suflScient, 
two thousand more, provided that she would win over the minds 
of the senators to his side. At the same time, however, as ho 
made this appeal to Mary, which might possibly prove ineffec- 
tual, he did not forget to claim, also, human assistance, and 
forthwith he secured for himself the powerful aid of a Cardinal 
who had great influence with the Venetian Senate. He was 
doubtless very well aware that he had no right to gain the 
cause, and had nothing to expect from justice; he, therefore, 
had recourse to influence from another quarter, quite uncon- 
cerned and indifferent that he was thereby cheating the legiti- 
mate heir out of his property. But Laynez, his principal aider 
in founding the Order and its statutes, went a step further; for 
as soon as he discovered that the Doge, to whose pipe— if I 
may be allowed to use a popular expression— all the Senate 
danced, possessed a mistress who exercised great influence over 



hira, ho filled his pockets with gold, and therewith had not 
much difficulty in gaining over the mercenary woman to his side, 
the result being that the final decision of the Senate turned out to 
be in favour of the Jesus Association, and the rightful heir, in 
spite of his strong claims, was non-suited ; hut the conscience of 
Loyola on that account did not in the least appear to trouble him. 
The same diligence that was exercised in the acquisition of 
riches, was, also, employed wherever the question was to win 
over substantial, influential, and powerful men of high standing, 
to be patrons and abettors of the Order, if not, indeed, members 
of the same ; and in this respect, in fact, several of Loyola's 
desciples rendered signal service. Among the foremost who 
distinguished himself in this particular, was Aroz, the delegate 
to Spain, as he was successful in inducing Francis Borgia, Duke 
of Gandia, and a grandee of Spain, as, also, formerly Viceroy of 
Catalonia— a very weak man, however, in mental capacity— to 
take up the cause of Jesuitism ; so much so, that this nobleman 
was the first person in Europe who founded a Jesuit College for 
the education of youth. He shortly afterwards, too. in the year 
1546, endowed a University, with all privileges. Overjoyed at 
this, Loyola commenced a correspondence with the Duke, and 
the result of these letters was that Borgia became so enamoured 
with the Society of Jesus, that he at length came to the firm 
determination of joining it as a true member; in fact, notwith- 
standing his already being considerably advanced in years, he 
forthwith put off the purple, and began the study of theology. 
His progress therein, however, advanced but slowly, and conse- 
quently Loyola allowed him to take the four vows without being 
previously well versed in theology, or even having gone through 
the course of exercises required of noviciates. Thus the Duke 
of Gandia became Pater Franciscus Borgia, and the newly-made 
member showed great zeal for the Society. He, however, did 
not at once enter a profess-house, and still less was he employed 
in the service of the Order ; Ignatius, indeed, permitted him to 
live in the world during a period of fully four years, in order that 
the newly-acquired brother might be able to settle his worldly 
affairs, and conveniently make arrangements for the maintenance 
of his children. It was natural enough that such a highly-born 
man as Pater Borgia should not be treated exactly like an 
ordinary member. 


I have already spoken of the privileges which the Pope 
granted to the Order, even in the first year of its existence ; but 
what did these prerogatives signify compared with those which 
Paul III. conceded to the Society of Jesus on the 18th October 
1549. One would, indeed, be perfectly correct in calling the 
Bull which refers to them the '* Magna Charta " of the Jesuits ; 
and they themselves admitted as much when they conceived 
such a designation for this decree as " the great sea of their 

If one should inquire what could have been the reasons which 
actuated the Pope in bestowing such conspicuous favours on the 
the new Order, they are to be found in the preamble of the Bull, 
which terms the Society a fruitful acre, which, effecting much for 
the increase of the kingdom of God and the faith — that is to say, 
the exaltation of the Papacy and the suppression of heresy — 
through instruction and example, therefore well deserves to be 
rewarded with special favours ; and, in fact, favours of quite a 
peculiar description were given them, as the reader will suffi- 
ciently understand from the following extracts : — 

1. " The General of the Order, as soon as he is nominated, 
shall have complete power as to the government of the Society, 
and especially also over the whole members of the same, where- 
soever these latter may reside, and with whatsoever office or 
dignity they may be endowed. His power shall indeed be so 
unlimited, that should he deem it necessary for the honour of 
God, he shall even be able to send back, or in other directions, 
those who have come direct from the Popes."* 

Thus, from this paragraph, his own power is placed over that 
of the Pope. How does it fare, then, with the four vows ? 

2. " No General, without the consent of the General Con- 
vention, and no member of the Society, without the express 
consent of the General, shall accept a bishopric, archbishopric, 
or any similar dignity ; and whoever may have attempted in any 
way to obtain any such place, shall be considered so unworthy of 

* In this first paragraph there is also a question regarding the deposition 
of the General, which could be pronounced by a general chapter of prof essed 
membert, whenever he coiüd be proved guUty of heresy or of leading a life 
of vice, or was useless on account of mental derangement, «fee., but as long 
as the Society existed there never was an instance of a General bemg 
charged before a general chapter, and still less deposed. He might, in fact, 
do whatever he chose. I should like to see the person who would dare to 
bring an aocusation against such a complete despot as was the GeneraL 

6 * 




the Society of Jesus, that he shnll never more he employed in 
any important commission, office, or business."* 

3. " In order that discipline may he quite strictly maintained, 
there shall he no appeal against the rules of the Order to any 
judge or other official whatever ; much less can any member be 
released from his vows by any person." Even the keys of Peter, 
therefore, can have no power over a Jesuit, and it was the Pope 
himself who pronounced this! 

4. " Neither the General nor the high officials of the Society 
shall be bound to hand over any member of the Order for the 
service of the Church to any prelate of the Church, be he 
patriarch, archbishop, or merely bishop, even when the said 
prelate shall have given strict orders regarding the matter; 
should, however, such cession be voluntarily desired, then those 
whose services are lent are still to be considered under the power 
of their superiors, and can be recalled by the General at any 
moment." Thus the power of even the highest dignitary of the 
Church is inferior to that of the General of the Jesuits ! 

6. **The General, or those who may be ordered by him, shall 
have the power to grant absolution for all and every kind of sin, 
whether committed before or after entrance into the Order, and 
from all ecclesiastical and secular censures and penalties (those 
few cases excepted which are set forth in the Bull of Pope 
Sixtus IV. as appertaining solely to the Roman Chair), to all 
members of the Order, as well as to all such as may express a 
wish to enter the Order as novices, or to serve as lay brethren ; 
should, however, anyone not hitherto a member, who in this 
manner obtains absolution and dispensation, not immediately 
thereafter join the Order, the indulgence and dispensation shall 
become of no effect.' That is an unheard-of privilege, as even 

• The reader will, no doubt, see that this paragraph has the above- 
mentioned " Affaire Lejay " to thank for its origin. It was also soon seen 
that the same rule was quite in its place, and by its strict maintenance 
protected the Society from much iniury. The Emperor Charles V. saw 
with displeasure that the Duke of Gandia had laid down his title and 
entered the Jesmt Order as a simple professed member, as he considered 
such a position nauch too low and humiliating for a prince. He had on this 
account wished the Pope to raise Pater Borgia to the dignity of cardinal 
and his Holiness declared himself prepared to do so. But what a loss 
would this have been for the Order 1 This proceeding of Borgia's might 
serve as an example to the most noble and most distinguished ; and. more- 
over, his opulence would be such an excellent thing for the Society ! No it 
would never do to allow him to be snatched away ; and it was simply in 
allusion to the above paragraph that the former Prince Loyola was induced 
to refuse at once a cardinal's hat. 


the worst criminals may, in this way, escape with impunity as 
soon as they enter the Jesuit Order , that great advantage should 
have been taken of this privilege can well be imagined ! 

6. " No member of the Order shall confess his sins to any 
other than the General, or to those whom the General may have 
nominated, especially to any priest or monk of any other Order. 
Much less can anyone who has once joined the Order, be he 
called novice, coadjutor, or profess, quit the Order again except 
with the express consent of the General ; nor can he go over 
into any other Order, that of the Carthusians alone excepted. 
Should anyone infringe this command, the General has the 
power to prosecute such fugitives, either in person or through 
authorised agents, to excommunicate them, to seize them, and to 
put them in prison, and with this object the assistance of the 
secular authorities may be invoked." By this command the 
secrets of the Society of Jesus are prevented from ever being 
betrayed, and the means adopted have proved themselves indeed 
to be very eflBcacious. I may here remark, with respect to the 
permission to enter the Carthusian Order, that, as far as is 
known, no Jesuit ever took advantage thereof, owing to the 
extreme strictness of that sect. Who can be ignorant of the 
command of perpetual silence ? This has been generally re- 
ported to be one of the rules, and no doubt Loyola allowed 
the exception, as regards the Carthusians, on this ground 

7. " The whole members of the Society, as well as the goods, 
incomes, and possessions of the Order, are exempt from the 
jurisdiction, supervision, and control of the bishops and arch- 
bishops, and shall be taken under the special protection of the 
Papal Chair." The Jesuits might, so to speak, do anything they 
chose, and no Church prelate could dare, on any account, to say 
even an unpleasant word to them. 

8. ** Those members of the Order consecrated to the priest- 
hood, consequently all the professed, may, wherever they reside, 
have their own houses of prayer, or erect an altar in any 
other suitable locality, and may, even at the time of a 
Papal interdict, say mass there with closed doors, and administer 
the sacrament, after having excluded all excommunicants and 
heretics. Also, in all places bound by interdict or exoom- 
munication, the young men and servants in the employment of 




the Jesuits, as, also, all the laity helonging to them, as procurators, 
labourers, and officers, are exempt from excommunication and 

9. " No bishop or prelate shall have the power of imposing 
upon any member of the Order, or any layman friendly to the 
Society, an excommunication or other Church penalty, and if 
any presume to do so it shall be null and void." 

10. ** It shall be quite free to all Christian believers to attend 
the worship and preaching of the members of the Society of 
Jesus, as wall as to receive the sacrament and absolution, after 
confession, from them, without being in any way liable to inter- 
ference by the ordinary clergy." 

11. "Every bishop or archbishop is bound to consecrate 
members of the Society of Jesus presented to him who are not 
already priests, without any payment whatever, or promise of any 

12. ** The members of the Society of Jesus, with the permission 
of their General, have the right to settle, in the countries and 
cities of the excommunicated and schismastics, as well as of 
heretics and unbelievers, and to hold intercourse with the same." 

13. ** They shall not be bound to allow themselves to be em- 
ployed in the visitation of cloisters, or in inquisitions and other 
church functions, as, also, when they desire it, they are to be 
exempt from the supervision or conscience-keeping of nuns.'* 

14. " They shall not be required to pay tithes on their estates 
or possessions, by whatever names they may be called, not even 
excepting Papal holdings ; in short, they are not to pay any taxes 
or dues whatever." 

Ift. " The donation of houses, churches, and colleges built, 
founded, or bequeathed by princes, counts, &c., shall be con- 
sidered from the moment of delivery as confirmed by the Pope, 
without any special deed of ratification being required to be 
drawn up." 

16. " All their churches and places of interment are to be 
forthwith consecrated by the bishop of the diocese without any 
hesitation; should such bishop, however, delay doing so for 
more than four months, the ceremony may be performed by the 
fittest prelate at hand. Also, all archbishops, bishops, prelates, 
and ordinaries, as well especially as all ecclesiastical and secular 
authorities, are strictly prohibited from hindering the erection 


and occupation of such buildings and possessions by the Society 
of Jesus." 

1 7. ** The General, and, with his approval, the provincials and 
their vicars, have the right to receive into the Order all and 
sundry, even should they be the ofispring of adultery or incest, 
as also all burdened with any description of sin (with the excep- 
tion of murder and bigamy), and the mutilated, to consecrate 
them as priests, and to employ them in all duties and offices 
appertaining to the Society." 

18. " Whoever during the year has for once visited any par- 
ticular church or other holy place, fixed on by the General, for 
purposes of devotion, on any individual day, also determined by 
the General, obtains for himself dispensation from all his sins, 
exactly as at the time of the Jubilee in Rome ; but whoever 
does so on any other day obtains remission for seven years, 
or seven quadrayenen, that is to say, seven times forty fast 

19. " The General is empowered to send to any favourite 
University such as he deems fit, in order to deliver lectures on 
Theology and other sciences, without having previously obtained 
the permission of anyone whomsoever." This was a more than 
unheard-of infringement of the rights of the Universities, as well 
as of the secular governments, and consequently entangled the 
Jesuits in the most bitter of strifes. 

20. ** Those who sojourn in countries belonging to un- 
believers have the right, as missionaries, to grant absolution for 
such sins and crimes as the Papal Chair has reserved for itself, 
according to the Bull In coena Domini, so called from the words 
with which it commences ; and, moreover, it rests with them to 
perform all episcopal duties till such time as the Pope shall have 
installed there a true bishop." 

21. " The General is empowered to admit into the Order as 
many coadjutors as may seem to him to be desirable. He can 
also grant permission that the taking of the fourth vow — ^that is, 
the admission of professed members — may be made outside 


22. " Lastly, all clerical and secular powers, by whatever 
name they may be called, are admonished to take great care not 
to hinder, harass, or disturb the Society of Jesus in the exercise 
of the above privileges and liberties, under the penalty, indeed, 



of excomraunicBtion, as also by the aid of secular power bein<» 
invoked in case of necessity." 

Such is the great charter of the Jesuits, their " Magna Charta," 
as I have above termed it ; and, so armed, was it to be wondered 
that the Society soon attained to enormous power? The whole 
world lay open before them and all their proceedings ; and even 
upon the most violent and unjust of them, by order of the 
Supreme Ruler of the Church, could no restraint whatever be 
put. Pope Paul III., the great patron of the Society of Jesus, 
died in the self- same year in which he proclaimed the Magna 
Charta Bull, but his successor, Julius III., formerly Cardinal 
John Maria del Monte, who acted as Papal legate at the Council 
of Trent, and who had there become well acquainted with the 
utility of the Jesuits, followed exactly in his footsteps, and 
forthwith confirmed all the prerogatives hitherto accorded to 
them. He, too, approved of the establishment of a large new 
college in Rome, as also of a new profess- house, to both of which 
the former Duke of Gandia, now Pater Borgia, gave 10,000 ducats. 
His Holiness, too, on the 22nd October 1552, promulgated, 
although after a considerable amount of pressure exercised 
by Loyola, a Bull, in which the rights of the Jesuits were still 
further enlarged. In what, however, did this enlargement con- 
sist ? In nothing else than the extensive decree that the 
students of the Jesuit colleges, if the rectors of the universities 
in which the colleges were situated hesitated to promote them to 
be doctors of philosophy and theology, might be promoted by 
the General himself, or by any provincial or rector of a college 
under his authority, with the assistance of three doctors, and 
that such graduates should have the same honours, rights, 
advantages, and privileges as those promoted by the universities 
themselves. In addition to this, so proceeds the Bull, the same 
privileges were held to belong to those colleges situated in 
places where no universities exist ; and in order to obtain the 
highest degree of distinction in philosophical and theological 
science, it was decreed unnecessary to enter an university, but 
all this might be equally well attained in a Jesuit college. In 
this way these institutions were almost completely put on an 
equal footing with the universities, and the rectors of the 
former made to rank with those of the latter. While, too, only 
universally accomplished teachers taught in the high schools. 


those who did so in the Jesuit colleges, as may be easily under- 
stood, were only such as had received their education and 
spiritual bias entirely in the Jesuit colleges themselves ! It was 
impossible, therefore, for the latter to accomplish, even approxi- 
mately, what the former ofiered to do, and Julius III. must 
naturally have been well aware of this ; but was it to be expected 
that Popes should consider themselves bound to know anything 
about science? The chief thing was that the Jesuits should 
attain their great object — to get, as much as possible, the sole 
education of the young into their own hands in all Catholic 
states, and the surest way of doing this was, no doubt, by means 
of a Bull. Thus the whole educational institutions of the 
Jesuits, namely the colleges in which philosophy and theology 
{studia superiora), as well as the seminaries and schools in 
which Latin, grammar, and rhetoric as preparatory knowledge 
were taught, now began to increase in numbers in an enormously 
rapid manner, while all zealous Catholics hastened to gain 
heaven by giving a small contribution towards their establish- 
ment, and there was soon no country, or rather no province, 
throughout the Catholic world, where several members of the 
Society of Jesus were not established more or less as teachers. 
What the tendency of those institutions was became most clearly 
apparent from the Collegium Germanicum, a German college 
which Loyola himself founded in the city of Rome immediately 
ou the accession of Julius III. to the government — a very 
peculiar name will the reader say, a German college in the 
capital of Italy ! What can that signify ? We shall soon see. 
Already, before the foundation of the Order of Jesuits, there 
was no want of educational institutions, for their number was 
simply legion. This did not prevent, however, the Society of 
Jesus, as we have already stated, from establishing a college 
also, and in truth a very magnificent one, as well in regard to 
its internal arrangements as to its external appearance. It was 
called Collegium Romanum, and the best educational instructors 
which Loyola could find were engaged for it ; but so many rooms 
were available in it, that it could satisfy every claim. And in 
spite of all, a new college ? Certainly ; and, forsooth, for very 
cogent reasons. The Collegium Romanum was in the first 
place established for Romans, in a wider sense for Italians, 
and as the Italian language was alone employed in it, none 






consequently could join it who were not acquainted with that 
tongue. Now, however, in Germany heresy acquired the upper 
hand more and more, and the Romish Church was daily losing 
ground. Envoys must therefore be despatched there who could 
combat with this heresy, and such, be it understood, as could 
discourse in the German language with the Germans. Whence, 
however, could Loyola take these ? By far the greater part of 
his scholars belonged to the Spanish, Italian, and French- 
speaking nationalities, and only a very small portion understood 
German — merely one or two here and there. Thus the country 
in which, above all others, the presence of Jesuits was most 
needed, in which lay the widest sphere of duty, and where 
action must be taken with as little delay as possible, seeing 
that the complete loss of the Romish position must otherwise 
take place, was beyond the reach of Loyola when the necessary 
forces were wanting. Here, then, help must be obtained at 
any price, and that help was to come through the Collegium 
Germanicum. Loyola gave the order, therefore, to those mem- 
bers who were operating in Germany to send to Rome from 
among those youths who were desirous of joining the Jesuit 
Order a couple of dozen of the aptest and most zealous, and at 
the same time he induced two rich cardinals, Morano and San 
Cruce. to place at his disposal a large roomy dwelling in which 
to lodge the youths. He then placed teachers there, who were 
required to bring them on in the Italian language. As soon, 
however, as the students were sufficiently advanced in it, they 
now had to turn their attention to theology, as may be well 
understood, and, above all, to the Theologia Polemica, along 
with the art of disputation. The object, then, which he now 
placed before himself became clearly apparent. The Collegium 
Germanicum was to become a nursery for such as in future 
should be placed at the head of the combatants for the Romish 
faith in Germany. In other words, the pupils of the college, as 
soon as they were sufficiently accomplished, should be sent back 
again to their own country, in order there to conduct, as speaking 
German, the great controversy on religion, and to re-establish 
there the unlimited authority of the Pope and his officers. This 
was Loyola's object — he completely attained it. 

Pope Julius IIL, as soon as he had assured himself of 
Loyola's ultimate design, assigned a large income to the new 


college, and the latter thereby progressed so quickly that it was 
enabled to take in twenty-four German pupils during the first 
year. On the accession to the Papal throne of John Peter Carafa, 
Cardinal of Theate, who, as Pope, took the name of Paul IV., 
Loyola was inclined to augur not much good for his Order, as 
he felt convinced that the same would favour above all the 
others the Order of Theate ; but this apprehension soon proved 
to be groundless, at least, as long as Ignatius lived,* for 
Paul IV. was much too sagacious to injure an institution which 
had proved so useful to the Romish Chair. Besides, the Order 
was now already so firmly rooted that it would have been difficult 
to have overturned it, and if the Pope had ventured to attempt 
doing so, the Society of Jesus would have been able to have 
offered such a strenuous resistance that he would soon have been 
compelled to desist. 

The General, from his seat in Rome, now ruled with almost 
unlimited power the whole body of his subjects, who were 
trained to honour him as the visible Saviour, while all placed 
their entire services at his disposal, and allowed themselves 
to be guided by him as willing puppets. Thus writes a 
far- travelled and distinguished author of a history of the 
Jesuits not by any means inimical to the same : — ** He ap- 
pointed and discharged all the higher officials ; he disposed 
of the rank and efficiency of all belonging to the Order, 
who must act exactly according to his will. He regulated 
everything as appeared to him most necessary and useful 
for the well-being, discipline, and improvement of the Society ; 
he manipulated the privileges, prerogatives, fundamental 
principles, and constitution obtained from the Holy Chair, 
which he took upon himself to accentuate, abate, or disavow 
without scruple ; he frequented and regulated the general con- 
vents; he decided, in short, all the principal afiairs of the 
community.'* This latter, however, possessed, on the other 
hand, four assessors or assistants, to check any abuse of the 

• Shortly after his death, in the year 1558, an attack was certainly made 
by Paul IV., which affected the Jesuits rather closely, in that he required 
they should perform equally all religious exercises, chorus singing, &c., 
which duty had hitherto fallen upon the other ecclesiastics and priesthood, 
and from which, owing to their many other employments, they had up to 
this time been exempt ; but he soon withdrew again this request, and the 
sons of Loyola continued as before, and were not in any way obliged to lose 
their time in lazy stupor, praying and singing. Suoh a monk's life would 
hay« ill accorded truly with their aim and object. 




patriarchal supreme power.* These were elected hy the great 
electoral college, a description of deputies or ministers, whose 
duty it was to support the General in all matters of difficulty 
with their advice and assistance, and to call his attention to this 
or that error. Indeed, they might even go so far as re- 
monstrance and warning, but this last proceeded from the mouth 
of the admonitor, or spiritual adviser, who was chosen by every 
General. The provincials, or heads of circles, as they might 
also be called, acted as leading officials of the Order, while the 
whole Catholic world was divided by the General into smaller or 
larger circles — provinces— over each of which he placed a vice- 
gerent. Again, to each provincial were assigned four assistants 
and an admonitor, who ruled in a small way as the General did in 
Bomein a larger way, only in all weighty matters such person was 
required to make previous reference, and was himself responsible 
in even the very smallest transactions. He had the right of 
proposal of the so-called Propositi studiorum^ that is, the super- 
vision of the stewards of the colleges, and it lay with him to 
inspect carefully, at least once a year, the condition of the whole 
circle as regards houses, persons, incomes, &c. He supervised 
in the colleges and other educational institutions the diligence of 
teachers as well as pupils, and also the course of instruction and 
discipline, and he remained the whole year at his post, unless 
sent elsewhere by the General. Immediately below him came 
the superiors, that is, the heads of the profess- ho uses, in which 
resided the brethren sworn to observe all the four vows, and their 
duties were to supervise discipline, devotions, and other affairs. 
The rectors coming next under them— that is to say, the heads of 
colleges — had equally to supervise the individual teachers as well 
as scholars, and to hold once a week a principal examination. In 
short, all was well ordered, down to even the lowest menial, and 
there was no State in the world which could exhibit a more regular 
or more uniform government. The thing, however, which first put 
the seal upon it, was the constant correspondence which united all 
circles and provinces, all lower and higher officials, partly among 
each other and partly with the General. The rectors, for 
instance, as well as the superiors, sent in a weekly report to the 
provincial, and the latter replied thereto every month. To the 

• The four first Jesuits, on whom devolved the duty of assistant, were 
Jerom Natalia, John of Polanoo, Goncalez de Camara, and Christofal of 


General himself the whole of the provincials wrote once a month, 
and the rectors and superiors once in three months. This, how- 
ever, was still insufficient, for the rectors and superiors had to 
send in a report every fourteen days to the provincial, as well as 
every month to the General. Likewise it was incumbent on the 
assistants of the provincials to transmit sealed letters twice a 
year respecting their provincials for the time being. In short, 
it was a regular system of reciprocal supervision, or, rather, it 
might be regarded as a legal espionage entering into the smallest 
details, as well from above downwards as from below upwards, 
and in this way it was made impossible for any member to over- 
step the prescribed boundary lines of obedience. The General, 
bv this means, knew from each individual what he thought 
and did, and while all the wires of the entire machinery ran 
together into his cabinet in Rome, he could guide to a nicety by 
leading strings, in the blindest subjection, individuals as well as 

the whole fabric ! 

Ignatius Loyola had now brought his matters so far, steeped, 
forsooth, in nothing else than worldly pleasure and vanity ; but 
the future warrior, having accomplished this much, found that the 
time had now arrived when he must pay to nature its usual tribute. 
The former extravagant punishments he had inflicted on his body, 
the many cares and vexations he had to encounter in the forma- 
tion of his Order, and, lastly, the frightful anxiety inseparable 
from the duties of so gigantic an office as that of a Jesuit General, 
gradually weakened his naturally very strong constitution, and 
he found himself at the commencement of the year 1556 obliged 
to hand over the greater part of the business to Pater Jerom 
Natalis, who had been elected to be his vicar by those professed 
members present at that time in Rome He himself withdrew 
to a country house near Rome, which had been presented to 
him by a rich patron of the name of Louis Mendoza,* in 
order to attend to the state of his health, but the weakness 
increased so much during the summer that he caused himself to 
be brought back again to Rome, as he hnd a desire to die in 
the profess-house among his own people. Towards the end of 
Julv he there dictated his will, took leave of the world and his 

• The same was situated close to the picturesque ruins of the Villa of 
Mercena, and was not only beautifully constructed, but also surrounded by 
a charming park. In this way the good Ignatius, at the end of his life, did 
not Beem to observe very oloaely the vow of poverty. 


\ V, 






companions, and departed this life on Friday, Bist July, an hour 
before sunset, in his sixty-fifth year, consequently, thirty-five 
years after the date of his being wounded, and of his conversion ; 
his death happened, notwithstanding the declaration of his 
surgeon, the celebrated Dr. Alexander Petronius, that there was 
nothing particularly dangerous in his condition. 

Only four of his first colleagues were present at the time, 
Rodriguez, Salmeron, Laynez, and Bobadilla; the remainder were 
prosecuting their calling in far distant lands, or had already been 
overtaken by death, as in the case of Lejay and Le Fevre. But 
from the nine original associates thousands had already sprung 
up, and the Order had established itself in no less than twelve 
countries— Italy, Portugal, Sicily. Germany, the Netherlands, 
France, Arragon, Castile, Andalusia, India, Ethiopia, and Brazil.* 
Incredible things had been accomplished by Loyola in a com- 
paratively short space of time, but not so much, assuredly, 
through his wisdom and understanding. In this respect he had 
not particularly distinguished himself, at all events not remark- 
ably. Laynez, however, had made up for his deficiencies more 
than three or four-fold, and the genius of a Salmeron and a 
Le Fevre was not to be despised. But his success was due 
rather to his energy, his perseverance, his ambition, his iron 
will, his glowing zeal, and, lastly, through his heroic soldierly bold- 
ness, which infused quite a peculiar spirit into the Order he had 
founded. Still, whether on that account he was really a great 
man ; whether, as the Jesuits contend, he deserved to be placed in 
line with the most distinguished persons which the world has pro- 
duced, I leave the reader himself to form a judgment. t I myself, 

* The details respecting this wiU be found in the next book, to which I 
must refer those curious on the matter. wmün ± 

t How extremely high the Jesuits placed their founder is proved bv the 
mscription on the naonument which the Dutch members erected to his 
memory m the year 1640. 

Cujus animus 
Vastissimo coerceri non potuit unius orbis ambitu, 

Ejus Corpus 
r^j Humili hoc angustoque tumulo continetur. 

11« magnum aut Fompejum, aut Caesarem, aut Alexandrum cogitas, 

Aperi oculos veritati, 
Majorem his omnibus leges 

Non coerceri maximo, contineri tamen a minimo, divinum est. 


Virtute maximo, submissione minimo 

TotiuB orbis locus angustus est. 

for my own part, am contented with referring to what happened 
respecting Ignatius after his death, as I presume the reader 

Hinc animimi gerens mundo majorem 

Plus ultra unius orbis et aevi terminos saepe quaesivit, 

Quo opera suae pietatis extenderet: 

Inde de se cogitationem habens minimo minorem, 

Minus citra communis sepulcri latebras semper optavit, 

Quo inhumati corporis pondus abjiceret. 

Coelum animo, Roma corpori 

Uli ad majorem Dei gloriam summa spectanti 

Aliquid summo majus attribuit: 

Huic ad majorem sui objectionem ima spectanti, 

Modum posuit mediumque virtutis. 

Anno M.CD.xci. in arce LOJOLAE loco apud Cantabros illustri 

Mortalium plane bona et juvantis hominibus vere natus, 

Suae primum gloriae cupidus, in aula et campo Catholici regis, 

Naturae dedit, quod dein divinae tantum gloriae studiosus, 

Sanctioribus in castris, saluti et gratiae consecraret. 

Cum hostes adversus innumeros unus prope Pompejopolim tueretur, 

Idem Sauli instar et Pauli, vi, non virtute, victus 

Ita cecidit, ut optandus fuisse casus, non fugiendus, 

Etiam IGNATIO, videretur: arcem perdidit; servavit ecclesiam. 

Ex eo non jam suus, 
Sed ejus, qui stantem tormento perculit, 
Ut prodigio fulciret abjectum 
Sacramentum, quod mundo dixerat, Christo dedit. 
Per militiae sanctiori» asperrima rudimenta. 
Per insidias daemonum, per oppugnationes hominum. 
Per conjurata in unum omnia 
Factus Dux e milite, ex tirone veteranus, 
Jesu nomine, non suo, 
Legionem in ecclesiam Dei fortissimum conscripsit, 
Quae vitam pro divini cultus incremento paciscens 
In Romani Pontificis verba juraret. 
Hie ille est, in quo ostendit Deus, 
Quantum ei curae sit ecclesiae securitas, 
In quo miserantis, Dei bonitatem atque potentiam 

Ecclesia catholica veneratur. 
Quem prostratum tamquam Paulum erexit Deus, 
Ut nomen suum coram gentibus populisque portaret: . 
Quem praelegit Dominus, ut eorum Dux foret. 
Qui sui in terris Vicarii authoritatem defenderent. 
Et Rebelies haereticos ad unitatem fidei revocarent. 
Quem suo Jesu commendavit Pater aeternus; 
Cui ipse Jesus se propitium fore promisit, 
Quem Spiritus sanctus omnium virtutum genere decoravit : 
Quem praesens toties et propitia virgo Mater dilexit ut filium, 
Erudivit ut alumnum, defendit ut clientem. 
Qui Dei amans, non coeli, osor mundi, non hominum, 
Paratus pro his excludi gloria, pro illo damnari poena ; 
Mortalis apud homines vitae non prodigus, sed contemtor 
Vitalis apud inferos mortis non metuens, sed securus, 
Profuit vivus mortuis, quos revocavit ad vitam ; 
Mortuus vivis, quos servavit a morte; 
Utrisque se partem exhibens ; 
Dignus haberi potuit Jesu nomine. 
Qui praeter Dei gloriam et salutem hominum nil quaesivit. 
Anno M.D.Lvi. prid. Kalendas Augustas 
Nutu summi Imperatoris jussus a statione decedere, 
Curam mortalium, quam vivus habuerat, 
Etiam mortuus oon amisit. 





would have no small interest therein ; and it may be truly said 
that there are not too many men who have a history after 

Ignatius had frequently expressed a strong wish that on his 
decease his corpse might be thrown into a flaying place, in order 
that it might be torn and picked to pieces by birds of prey and 
wild animals, as the same was no longer anything else than a 
lump of clay, a mere heap of refuse. In this respect, however, 
his associates did not obey him. They buried him, on the con- 
trary, with great pomp, on Saturday, the 1st of August, in the 
church of Maria da Strada, which belonged to them, and there 
the coffin remained until the year 1587, when, by order of the 
General Aquaviva, it was conveyed with still greater pomp into 
the splendid Jesuit church then newly built by the Cardinal 
Alexander Farnese. As on the occasion of this latter re- 
moval of the coffin several wonders took place, and as after 
it a number of sick men who called upon his name were restored 
to health, Paul V., in the year 1609, pronounced the deceased to 
be holy; and in the year 1622, thirteen years afterwards, he was 
translated among the saints by Gregory XV. Since that time a 
number of altars have been dedicated to him, on the whole, more 
than 2,000 ; and, besides, not less than half a hundred churches, 
of which some, especially that erected, in the year 1626, by the 
Cardinal Ludovico in Rome, close to the Collegium Romanum, 

Coelo transscriptus, sed propensus in terras; 
Animarmn avidus, etiam cum Deo plenus:* 
Ecclesiae triumphantis socius, pro müitante solicitus, 

Quod unum potuit 
Corpus suum pignus animi fideique depositum hie reUquit • 
Cui ne quid decesset ad gloriam, ' 

Non semel angelicos inter cantus submissa de Coelo" lumina micuenmt. 

Age, quisquis haec leges, 
Beatos immortalis viri et patris communis omnium cinerea venerare 

Hos tu, cum videris, religiose cole, * 

Cum habueris, pie complectere; 
Et latere sub his, etiam nunc, suam ignem. 
Hoc est, servientem humanae vitae et saluti 
IGNATIUM deprehendes. 
Vivit annis quinque et sexaginta inter mortales, 
A r^ . ^TT öctoginta quatuor inter immortales, 

A Gregorio XV, Catholicis aris solenniter additus anno hujus Saec XXII 
A Deo pennni gloria coehtum ultra omne saeculum feliciter cumiüa^dus 
Hoc sui animi et venerationis perpetuae monumentum 
Non structum auro vel marmore ; 
Sed tenaci grataque memoria consecratum 
Optimo Maximoque, post Deum, Patri 
Minima Jesu Societas 
M.D.O.XL. Anno suo SÄeculari primo poauit, dedicavit 


are truly elegant buildings. An object of particularly great 
veneration, too, was the altar in the church of Aspeitia before 
which he was baptized ; and still more esteemed was the ancient 
castle of Loyola, upon which, after they had received it as a 
present from the Queen of Spain, who purchased it with this 
object in the year 1695, the Jesuits bestowed the name of Santa 
Casa, or holy house. The Jesuits, however, were still not satis- 
fied, but, in addition to their more than foolish religious worship, 
they declared afresh that their holy Ignatius was equal to the 
Apostles in worth, and that in heaven he would hold intercourse 
with no one except with Popes, as the holy Peter, with em- 
presses, as the Virgin Mary, and with sovereign monarchs, as 
God the Father and His Son Jesus Christ. Such great honour 
fell to the lot of Ignatius Loyola after his death, an honour 
which was truly regarded by many as the offspring of madness ! 






6 ♦ 



FioLU son d' un soldato, odio la place: 

Naqui fra 1* armi, ho la pieta sbandita. 

Mi fu Madre crudel una ferita. 

Onde la Morte ed il sangue d' altrui mi piaoe. 

Son barbara, son cruda, e son rapace, 

E nell' armi avezzai 1' alma in fierita. 

E 86 in mezzo alle stragi ebbi la Vita 

Porto Yo unque men vado, e ferro e fooe. 

Non conosco altro Dio, oh* il proprio orgoglio. 

L' issesse Monarchie per me son dome, 

E nel hipocrisia ho quel che voglio. 

Delude il Monat ognor; Me si sa come 

Compagnia di Giesu, chiamarmi foglio 

E non ho di Giesu, oh' il nudo nome. 


I. — The Jesuit Missions in Asia. 

According to tradition, it was the Apostle Thomas who first 
spread Christianity in India; others, however, ascribe this 
honour to a rich merchant of the name of Max Thomas, who, in 
the 6th century, lived in the time of the great Emperor, Ceram 
Perumal, the founder of Calicut ; and, through his great mer- 
cantile transactions, which extended even as far as Constanti- 
nople, became acquainted with the teaching of Jesus Christ. 
Let this be as it may, this much is certain, that the Portuguese, 
as they became possessed of the whole of Malabar, along with 
Goa, Ceylon, Malacca, and the Sunda Islands, under the cele- 
brated Alfonso Albuquerque, their great naval hero, and, for a 
long period, Viceroy of India, had already found their way to 
Asia round the Cape of Good Hope, under the guidance of Vasco 
de Gama, about the same time as the discovery of America, and 
had met with persons of the Christian faith, although not 
Christians " according to the Roman Catholic views of the loth 
century." On the contrary, much of what is heathen, both as 
regards their customs and faith, was so mixed up with it, that 
the good Catholic ruler of Portugal at that time, being much 
shocked with such a kind of Christianity, sent Franciscan^monks 
to Goa — this latter city being at that time the central point, 
and the capital of their East Indian possessions— in order that 
the true, that is to say, the Homan Catholic faith, might be 




promulgated in these regions. The Franciscans proved them- 
selves to be but very ill adapted for this kind of work, and 
showed that ** conversion," or, as it was more correctly expressed, 
" the mission to the heathen," was not their forte, although the 
Governor and Viceroy placed the bayonets of his military force 
entirely at their disposal. The progress they made was, there- 
fore, quite insignificant, and, with the exception of Goa itself, 
where the Bishopric was founded, the Catholic faith took no 
root to any great extent. The Indians continued to be just the 
same as before, and to worship their gods according to the 
fashion of their fathers and ancestors ; and although some few, 
through military compulsion, nominally became Papists, the 
great mass of the worshippers of Bramah and Vishnu still 
showed themselves to be as stiflf-necked as ever. This state 
of things did not at all give satisfaction to the Kings of 
Portugal, and John III., who reigned from >ö2i to 1ö57, was 
particularly shocked at it, as he was not only an extra- 
ordinarily pious adorer of Rome and the Papacy, but believed 
that the inhabitants of his newly- acquired possessions, could not 
become good Portuguese subjects until they had prostrated 
themselves at the same cross before which the Portuguese knelt. 
It was now that the said John heard of the new Order, instituted 
by the conception of Ignatius Loyola at Rome — an order whose 
great aim and object was said to be " the conversion of un- 
believers " — and he, therefore, soon proffered a request to Loyola 
to send out to India a sufficient number of missionaries. Indeed, 
he would gladly have seen the founder of the Society of Jesus 
proceed thither himself, propria persona, as he entertained the 
firm belief that " the warriors of Christ could have no other 
design than the Christianising of all the idol-worshippers in 
the world.** Loyola, however, was not at all of this opinion, and 
not only remained in Bome himself, but explained to the King 
that he was only in a position to send forth two of his associates, 
Rodriguez and Francis Xavier, and that "he required the 
remainder for other purposes/' 

This took place in the summer of 1540, and the two above- 
named men made their way to Lisbon, where the monarch 
received them most kindly. They could not, however, proceed 
at once to India, as the fleet, destined to proceed there annually, 
had already weighed anchor; but they would have been very 



wrong not to have blessed most heartily this adverse incident, as 
they won the favour of John III. to such a high degree, that the 
latter was quite unwilling again to part with them. He, in truth, 
carried this out to a certain extent, inasmuch as, with the 
permission naturally of Loyola, he retained one of them, Rod- 
riguez, who took up his permanent abode in Lisbon, 

Francis Xavier, however, in whom the zeal for conversion 
overcame every other consideration, was not to be diverted from 
the journey to India. The monarch provided him in the best 
way with Papal briefs which he obtained from Paul III., as 
also with letters of full powers made out by himself. By 
one of these letters Francis Xavier acquired the position of 
** Nuntius Jpostolicus" ; that is to say, representative of the 
Pope for the whole of India ; in a second, in virtue of the right 
assigned to him for the conversion of the heathen, he had 
authority to claim all secular influence of the Portuguese officials 
in the Asiatic colonies ; lastly, in a third writing. King John 
himself recommended him most earnestly to all the chiefs, 
princes, and governments, from the Cape of Good Hope to the 
Ganges. Thus, well provided, Francis Xavier proceeded to 
India on the 7 th of April 1541, with the royal fleet destined 
thither from Lisbon, and his heart swelled with gladdening hopes 
at the prospect of victory which he wished to gain for the banner 
of Christ over the unbelievers. He had forgotten one thing, 
however, and that, in my opinion, the chief one indeed ; he had 
not thought it worth the trouble to make himself acquainted in 
the least degree with the language of the populations which he 
had set out to convert. ** God gives his own in sleep," thought 
he. And might not, then, the Holy Ghost be so favourable to 
him as to work a miracle ? 

The voyage to India was a very slow one, and, while they were 
compelled to make an involuntary halt of six months in Mozam- 
bique, they only arrived in the harbour of Goa after a lapse of 
thirteen months, on the 6th of May 1 542. This made Francis 
Xavier all the more zealous in respect to the task he had to fulfil ; 
and although a royal equipage and princely residence were placed 
at his disposal by the governor of the city, his first care was to 
betake himself at once to the hospital, in order there to nurse 
the sick himself, and to get his own means of support from the 
public alms. Little or nothing, however, was in this way done 




for his proper object, the conversion of the heathen, and conse- 
quently, after a little time, he presented himself to the Bishop of 
Goa, in order to produce before that prelate the full powers 
"which he had brought along with him, and humbly at once to 
crave permission to set about the conversion of the heathen. 
For him this authority was, indeed, certainly not requisite, since 
as Pope's nuncio, he superseded the bishop ; but it was of 
consequence to him to make sure of the favour of the latter, 
named Don Juan d' Albuquerque, descended from one of the 
very highest families, and possessing great influence as well in 
Goa as in Portugal itself. He, in fact, completely succeeded in 
winning over Don Juan to his views, and consequently the work 
of conversion might now commence without further delay. 
But, Lord, what a misfortune ! The stupid natives did not 
understand one single word of what Xavier chattered to them, 
and the Holy Ghost did not render him any assistance " with 
the gift of tongues." He arrived at the conviction, at last, that 
nothing could be done as long as he had no knowledge of 
the language of the country, and he consequently at once set 
about the study of Hindustani with the greatest zeal. Along 
with this task, however, he by no means forgot to exercise 
further activity in his calling as a Jesuit, and proved it by the 
clever way in which he at once set about establishing a college, 
the first in the heathen world. 

The pair of Franciscan monks, who were already established 
in Goa, had a seminary in which they instructed a few of the 
native youths in the Roman Catholic religion, and it at once struck 
Xavier that their building, which appeared quite well adapted 
for the purpose, might be made available for his future plans. 
He addressed himself, therefore, to the superior of the institution, 
Brother James Borbona, produced before him his Papal briefs, 
and urged him so much that he not only gave over the house, 
with everything appertaining to it, to the Society of Jesus, but 
also, in his own person, became a member of the same. It is 
true that he did not act thus from entirely disinterested motives, 
as he made the condition that he should continue to be the 
rector of the institution for life. But what did that matter to 
Xavier? He had now, in this way, got rid of competition, and, 
at the same time, had the glory of converting the seminary 
hitherto denominated " Santa F6," into the college of Holy 



Paul. He, moreover, took care to turn the school, hitherto 
small and poor, into an educational institution of the richest and 
most brilliant description, not so much, however, by means of 
voluntary gifts obtained by begging, but rather in this way, that 
by the aid of the vice-regal troops he pulled down the heathen 
temples in the neighbourhood of Goa, and appropriated their 
very considerable property for the use and benefit of the new 


As soon, now, as Xavier had made sufficient progress in the 
Hindustani and Malay languages to enable him to make him- 
self in some degree understood, he left Goa in order to preach 
the gospel in the so-called *' peari coast " of Malabar, the whole 
of which country had been brought into subjection by the Por- 
tuguese, and as, besides, they possessed many valuable settlements 
there, the inhabitants of which were sunk in the grossest kind 
of heathenism, it would be possible, for that reason, to bring 
about some considerable result, if the thing were but^ skilfully 
managed. In what way, then, did Xavier proceed ? In a 
truly most remarkable manner, which the missionaries of the 
present day might be inclined not a little to despise. He took 
along with him a bell, armed with which he ran about the streets 
ringing it in broad mid-day, unül he succeeded in drawing after 
him a troop of boys and others, attracted by curiosity, who 
greeted him with jeers and laughter. When he had thus got 
together a considerable auditory, placing himself on some large 
stone, he forthwith began his sermon, which was delivered m 
the language of the country intedaxded with fragments of Latin, 
Spanish, Italian, and French, to which he added much gesticu- 
lation with both hands and feet. He then finally produced a 
large cross, which he piously kissed, and required the crowd to 
do likewise, presenting each one who complied with a beautiful 
rosary, thousands of which he had brought with him from 
Portugal. This, however, was only the first part of his method 
of conversion. The second was much more effectual, and con- 
sisted in pulling down, with the assistance of the Portuguese 
troops, which he called into requisition, the native temples, and 
breaking in pieces the idols found therein, not, however, with* 
out replacing them by Christian chapels, with the image of the 
crucified Jesus, and erecting in the neighbourhood a handsome 
building constructed of bamboo canes, for the instxuction of the 






yonug. He already knew, from experience, what an impression 
a solemn service, with the sacrifice ol the mass, made upon the 
fanciful imaginations of Orientals, and he also knew that in 
order to render the work of conversion lasting, it was neces- 
sary to win over to the new faith the growing youth, the 
foundation of the population. For this reason, he threw him- 
self, with great zeal, into the matter of education, and, partly by 
means of friendly presents, and partly by fear of the Portuguese 
soldiery, who had destroyed the heathen temples, succeeded in 
inducing many of the native boys and girls to attend his schools. 
It was but an easy matter, however, from a missionary point of 
view, as, far from making them acquainted with the principles 
of Christianity, he merely contented himself in teaching them to 
say the Lord's Prayer, along with the Creed, and causing them 
to understand the same, as also to cross the arms with humility 
over the breast. After getting them on as far as this, Xavier 
now accepted them as Christians through the performance of a 
solemn baptismal service, and he soon managed in this way to 
acquire a pretty considerable number of souls for the kingdom 
of Heaven. In spite of all this, the business of conversion went 
on much too slowly to please him, and, on that account, even in 
the first year of his residence in India, he wrote to his General, 
requesting him to send out a number of assistants. Loyola 
comphed most willingly with this demand, and sent him more 
than twenty of them, almost all being Portuguese whom Kodri- 
guez had recently gained over for the Order ; amongst them 
were the Paters Anton Criminal, Anton Gomez, Casper ßergäus, 
Paulus Camerti, Alonzo Cyprius, Melchior Gonzales, and Fran- 
ciBcus Peren, who all, more or less, subsequently distinguished 
themselves. He was now able to carry on the work of conversion 
in a wholesale manner, and, during the next six years, in almost 
every place where the Portuguese flag waved, and especially in 
Ceylon, Cochin, Negapatam, Meliapur, Malacca, and Ternate, 
he succeeded in establishing schools, small and large. The prin- 
cipal seminary, however, which served as a nursery for the educa* 
tion of native missionaries, was the college in Goa, into which, 
immediately on the arrival of the assistants from Europe, Xavier 
at once drove before him 120 sons of the Hindu gentry, by 
means of a military force, in order that they might be brought 
up iu future for the purpose of converting their fellow country. 



men ; and there could be no question that the power of the Por- 
tuguese bayonets, and still more, the fear engendered by the 
Bame, contributed in no small degree to the great results which 
Francis Xavier and his associates obtained,* and this circum- 
stance diminished not a little the glory of the great apostolic 
hero, who was often so thoroughly tired at night from the exer- 
tion of baptising, that he was hardly able to move his arms. 
Still more injury, however, was done to this glory by the circum- 
stance that the baptised, or converted, were, as a matter of fact, 
not real Christians, but remained heathens just as much as before. 
It is certainly true that they could repeat the Creed, and that 
the water of Christian baptism had been thrown over them, as, 
also, that they were taught to have some sort of understanding 
of the matter, that they took part in processions, and could 
sing some hymns, and join in other external observances. 
In truth, however, they still retained all their old manners, 
customs, usages, and notions, and when the Padri, as the 
Christian missionaries were denominated, withdrew from one con- 
verted neighbourhood, being of the opinion that it had been 
completely won over to Christianity, and proceeded elsewhere in 
order to prosecute the work of conversion, it so happened that 
the native priests, the Brahmins, had not the least difficulty in 
bringing the people back again to the religion in which they had 
been born and bred. I'his was now, indeed, an embarrassing di- 
lemma, and one of Xavier s companions, Anton Criminal, who had 
gained proselytes at Cape Comorin, became so furious on that ac- 
count against the Brahmins that he persecuted them with the most 
inhuman cruelties. They, however, in their despair, at once appealed 
for aid against this Criminal and his handful of soldiers obtained 
from the Governor of Goa, which he had brought along vrith him, 
to a tribe of people which had not as yet come under subjection 
to the Portuguese, the latter being, in fact, in point of numbers, 
in a very small minority. A battle thereupon ensued, in which all 
the Portuguese, Criminal himself not excepted, were massacred.f 

♦ It was thuB» for example, that the King of Condi, in CeyloD, was corn^ 
tv^ilpalv force of arms to receive the Cross, also was constramed by 
^3 /-Lr^^r^o 6e6apfuerf, by whose directions also his lieutenants and 
7o:er/o^7v^^^^^ any resistance to the baptismal ceremony 

tTe threÄ with confiscation of their property. It was easy m this 
way to gain over thousands daily to Christianity. 

+ Thftre were no less than four lance-wounds through the heart oi 
Criminarand, when dead, he was so hated by the Brahmms that they cut 



Some time now elapsed before any other missionary attempted 
to show himself. The Brahmins, however, did not by any means 
improve their position by their strenuous resistance, but, on the 
contrary, rather made it worse, for Francis Xavier took occasion 
on this account to institute in Goa a religious tribunal, after 
the pattern of the Spanish Inquisition, over which he ruled 
without opposition,* and, being aided by the Portuguese arms, 
he proceeded, with the most frightful severity, against all those 
who oflFered any hindrance to the spread of Christianity, or who 
also dared to beguile the baptised natives back again to their 
©Id idol-worship. In this way, then, innumerable Brahmins, 
and more particularly the richest among them, lost their lives 
by the executioner's hands, or, at least, were exiled from their 
country in order that their property might be seized for the 
benefit of the Society, and thus, by degrees, all opposition to 
the reception of the Christian religion presently ceased through- 
out the whole of the countries under subjection to the Portu- 
guese. As a matter of course, the effeminate Hindus now pressed 
forward to have themselves baptised, rather than make acquaint- 
ance with the prisons of the Inquisition, or run the risk of 
being roasted alive over a slow fire ! After this fashion did 
Francis Xavier and his associates conduct themselves in India, 
and the consequence was that Jesuit colleges sprang up in all 
suitable places, being enriched by the property of the slaughtered 
and banished heretics. And still more numerous were the 
churches which were erected, as they no longer hesitated to 
destroy, with fire and sword, all the heathen temples which they 
were able to get at, and, indeed, it almost seemed as if the Jesuits 
had taken for their example the cruel conduct of Charles the 
Great against the Saxons. Xavier now, after he had carried 
things to this height, thought it was time to extend still further 
his Christian conquests, and this he did by an acquaintance 
he had made, in 1Ö49, with an inhabitant of Japan. The 

his head off. The Jesuits, on the other hand, made him out to be the fii^t 
martyr of the Order, and there was but little wanting that he should have 
been placed m the category of saints* 
♦ The Portuguese governors and lieutenants rendered every assistance on 
nl*^??^^* ^ the great converter of the heathen, because they knew very 
well that they would otherwise be denounced to King John in., and that 
whoever was m this way singled out might rest assured that he would be 
oertam to lose his appointment and be recalled to Lisbon to render an 
aoogunt of his actions« 



latter, a rather cunning fellow, but springing from a good 
family, called Anger, who had at least one murder on his 
conscience, directed the attention of Xavier to the infinite 
resources of Japan, so much so, indeed, that he at once deter- 
mined to convert the great Empire, with its millions of in- 
habitants, and to claim possession of its enormous riches for 
the benefit of the Order of Jesus. He first began, then, by 
baptising Anger, the same thereby receiving the name of" Paul de 
Saint Foi," and at once proceeded to Goa to make sure that things 
there might not get into disorder during his absence. After 
he had accomplished this, and had nominated Paul Camerti as 
his representative, under the title of General Superior, and Anton 
Gomez as Rector of the now very important college of the 
"Holy Paul," he embarked in the summer of 1549, and, in 
company with Anger and the very zealous Pater Come de 
Torrez, proceeded to Japan, where he landed, on the 15th of 
August, in the harbour of Canxawa, or Gang Xuma, the capital 
of the kingdom of Sazuma, or Hsuma ; this happened in the 
fifteenth year, to the very day, from the taking of the vows at 


In those days Japan formed, as it does now, nominally one 
single monarchy, or, indeed, an empire, with its capital, Miako, 
in which the Emperor, under the name of a Dairi, or Mikado, 
sat on the throne. At the same time the whole was divided 
into several provinces or kingdoms, the rulers of which reigned 
quite independently; amongst the number was the kingdom 
of Hsnma. It now so happened that the above-mentioned 
Anger had formerly been on fairly friendly terms with the 
ruler of Hsuma, in consequence of which Francis Xavier, 
was not only hospitably received at Court, but at once ob- 
tained permission, from the very tolerant king, to preach the 
Christian religion. Xavier, as we may well imagine, immediately 
took advantage of this privilege, but unfortunately not with the 
result he had promised himself, as his preaching was almost un- 
intelligible to his hearers, while the little Japanese that he had 
picked up from his intercourse with Anger, was mixed up with a 
variegated jargon of Spanish, Italian, and Latin, to say nothing 
of his peculiar manners. Bell in hand he collected the people 
together as he had done before in Goa and its neighbourhood, 
^ proceeding which, to the Japanese of a rather higher degree of 





oaltivation, conveyed the impression of charlatanism and absurdity. 
This Xavier himself, after the lapse of some little time, felt but 
too plainly ; and, seeing that it was impossible for him to gain his 
end in this way, he shortly resolved to alter his mode of opera- 
tion, and from a Jesuit to become a Bonze. A Bonze ? asks 
the astonished reader ; but he will cease to be astonished when 
he calls to remembrance that the Bonzes are nothing more than 
the higher priests of Buddhism, which is by far the most widely 
. diffused religion of Japan, and that this Buddhism itself has 
many points of resemblance to the Roman Catholic faith. In 
one, as in the other, there are, cloisters with nuns and monks, and 
even hermits are not wanting. The Buddhists, like the Roman 
Catholics, have connected with their worship pictures and relics, 
as well as processions, pilgrimages, and holy proclamations! 
Both make use of rosaries in saying their prayers, and chastise 
their bodies with fasting and other similar privations The 
Bonzes or Lamas, as they are called in Tibet, shave their 
heads exactly as the Roman priests do, and both are dedicated 
to celibacy. Further, both are regarded by the people with 
much reverence, and exercise a decided influence over them. 
Such is the state of matters which obtains in Japan, and it 
cannot therefore be wondered at that Xavier determined, under 
these circumstances, to become a Bonze so far as clothing, 
habits, manner of life, and customs went. As plain Jesuit 
he had as yet only rendered himself offensive. As Bonze, 
however, he hoped to gain influence as much as his heathen 
colleagues, and then might be able to insinuate Christian 
doctrine underhand in place of Buddhist polytheism. It was 
perceived that his design was good, and therefore there was 
not the least difficulty raised as to the dishonesty of the means 
adopted, as the Jesuits were never scrupulous in this respect ; 
but still this artifice did not lead him to the attainment of his 
aim. The legitimate Bonzes, to wit, began to move heaven 
and earth in order that the obtrusive new comer should be 
sent about his business, and represented to the king that the 
greatest danger would threaten the kingdom were he to allow a 
miserable stranger to throw ridicule on the old tutelary gods 
of Japan, and introduce in their stead a new and hitherto quite 
unknown God, whom no neighbouring deity might endure. 
They also added a warning to this representaüon, threatening 

to call upon the other kings of Japan for assistance, if Xavier 
were not expelled from the kingdom ; and, indeed, little was 
wanting for the breaking out of a great revolution at their 
instigation. Under such circumstances the king now resolved 
to abandon the principle of toleration, which he had hitherto 
followed and issued a decree in which he forbad the acceptance 
of Christianity to all his subjects, under the penalty of death, 
and advised Francis Xavier that, if he put any value upon 
his life, he must leave his dominions in the shortest space of ,^ 

^'There was of course, now nothing else for the great heathen- 
converter to' do but to obey instantly this order, and he quitted 
the city of Canxawa, after a residence in it of nearly one year, 
without having accomplished anything whatever. But where 
was he now to bend his steps? Was he to return again to 
Goa ? or at the risk of meeting with the same kind of treatment 
as he had experienced at Hsuma, to try some other Japanese 
kingdom^ He did not require to remain long undecided, as 
there happened to be at that time, as he immediately ascer- 
tained, several Portuguese ships in the harbour of Ferando the 
capital of a neighbouring province of the same name and as 
he naturallv thought it possible that he might meet with a 
more friendly reception, under the protection of these ships 
from the King of Ferando than he had done from the ruler of 
Hsuma he therefore at once made his way to the above- 
mentioned sea-port. Nor did he deceive himself in this res^^^^^^^ 
the less so that there happened to subsist a deadly feud at that 
time between the Kings of Ferando and Hsuma, and conse- 
nuently permission was at once granted to him to make as many 
Iselytes as he was able to find. He therefore turned this 
Jermission to such good use that he effected more baptisms 
Sn a period of twenty days in Ferando than during the 
rhole jel that he had been in Hsuma. So, at least, it is 
Reported by his biographer, and we leave it to be determined 
Xth r this be the case or not. The fact, however, was that 
r «till despaired of effecting anything of much consequence 
;:til he haTcrverted the Dairi himself, inhis capital of Miako, 
or had at least got from the latter permission o proselytise; 
so on that account he himself cleared the way after a residence 
of some weeks, for the further operations of Come de Torrez, 



wbom he left behind. He did not, however, proceed alone, 
but took along with him two newly-converted Japanese, called 
Matthias and Bernhard, as also an interpreter of the name of 
Fernandez. After meeting with many dangers in trying to 
make proselytes on the way, he was more than once nearly 
stoned. It seems to be clear, from the report of his most 
intimate followers, that he was only allowed to escape owing 
to his being looked upon as a description of fool, which, in 
the east, is a better protection than any other weapon. 

He at last arrived in the great capital of Japan in February 
Tool, and at once betook himself to the largest public place 
with the object of proclaiming the Gospel to the people. it 
what kind of a sermon was it that he preached ? O Lord ! 
one can hardly believe it possible that any man of the least 
common sense could think that he could, in such a way, convert 
anyone to his opinion. He certaitily, indeed, did not allow 
himself to repeat the hocus pocus of Goa, but he preached by 
means of his interpreter, as he still was so badly acquainted with 
the Japanese language that he was unable to put two consecutive 
sentences together.* It can be readily surmised, then, how laugh- 
able was the situation ! as one may further easily imagine that Fer- 
nandez understood Spanish badly, and consequently that all that 
Xavier said was expounded in complete confusion. It was truly, 
then, no wonder that the religion which Xavier preached was re- 
ceived with general misunderstanding, and that he could nowhere 
make his appearance in public without being followed by the 
street boys, who looked upon him as a sort of half-witted fool. 

In spite of all this, he had the audacity to request an audience 
with the Emperor, which, however, was refused with disdain 
and derision by the imperial employes; consequently nothing 
else remained for the zealous missionary to do, but to seek for 
good fortune elsewhere, and he betook himself to Amanguchi, 
the capital of the kingdom or province of Mangate. Un- 
fortunately, however, he met there with no better success, 
although he was careful enough to make his appearance attired 

• Xavier thus wrote verbatim to Ignatius Loyola :— " If I but understood 
their language (Japanese) I have no doubt that many unbelievers would 
accept the Christian religion. Would to God that I had sooner acquired 
knowledge of it ! for I might then have hoped to render some service to the 
Church. At present we are only like statues which cannot talk. They 
speak much to us, but we cannot reply, as we do not know what they say 
to us." 



in rich Bonze vestments, and took the precaution of sending 
beforehand certain presents to the King, as, for instance, a 
beautiful repeating watch, a musical instrument of good tone, 
and other such trifles. 

The Japanese, however, still continued to look upon the 
foreign Bonze as a fool, and considered their own established 
religion to be much more sensible than that preached by such a 
ninny. As Xavier now, however, learned that this said religion 
originated, property speaking, in China, and as he was of opinion 
that it would be an easy matter to Christianise the Japanese Em- 
pire after he had first of all converted the mother country, he forth- 
with determined to make a descent upon the Celestial Empire. 

The way thither brought him to the sea-port of Bun go, the 
residence of another Japanese king, and at that time there 
happened to lie several Portuguese ships at anchor, commanded 
by Edward de Gama, a descendant of the renowned Vasca de 
Gama. This was for him a fortunate circumstance, as Edward 
de Gama was aware of the favour in which the missionary stood 
with John TIL, and he was not the less conscious that political 
wisdom demanded the encouragement of missionary enterprise, 
as the only way bv which it was possible to open up to European 
trade this carefully- closed kingdom. On that account it appeared 
to him necessary that Xavier should be received with marks of the 
greatest honour, amid the thunder of cannon; the consequence 
being that the ruler of Bungo wished to know what was the 
reason of all these salutes. He was duly informed that all this 
parade was in honour of a holy European Bonze, who had come 
on board the Admirals ship ; and, in reply to the Prince s 
question, whether he might not be afforded an opportunity of 
seeing and becoming acquainted with this distinguished indi- 
vidual, he was told that the latter had the intention of paying 
his respects to His Majesty very shortly. 

This interview, in fact, took place ; not, however, in any ordi- 
narv manner, but with every degree of pomp that it was pos- 
sible to observe. The entire line of ships hoisted their pennants, 
and salutes were fired, the whole of the crews participating on 
the occasion, and all the officers being decked out in the greatest 
gala.* In a word, everything was done to impress upon the 

• The whole train proceeded to the land in three ^jats, decorated as for 
ft /ete an ornamental awnmg being spread, and the benches being covered 





inhabitants, as well as the King, that Francis Xavier was a man 
worthy of the hijjhest consideration, and he was consequently 
not only received by the whole standing army as the great Bonze 
of Europe, but welcomed with much distinction by the Regent 
himself. He, moreover, at once obtained leave to proceed 
with his work of conversion to Christianity, wherever he chose 
and he. naturally enough, took the fullest advantage of this 

Matters, however, soon took a different turn, as the native 
Bonzes, fearing to lose their influence, sought to stir up the 
people against the «Bonze of Chemachicogin." as they called 
Portugal, and, moreover, represented to the King, before heaven 
and hell, how dangerous the new teaching was to the State 
Now. as the King did not at once yield to their solicitations.' 
being desirous of not giving offence to the Chinese, he called 
together a sort of Bonze council in the city of Bungo • at this 
appeared about three thousand heathen priests, who called upon 
the stranger to defend his doctrines before the assembled council 

This religious conference, in fact, which took place, led as 
may be easily imagined, to no result In other words, each 
party ascribed the victory to itself, and each had reason for 
80 doing, as neither of them in any way understood each other 
The people, however, sided entirely with the native priests and 
such a commotion ensued that the Portuguese themselves com- 
pelled Xavier to withdraw, fearing that a revolution might be 
the consequence. 

The upshot of the matter was, that the missionary quitted the 
city of Bungo, after a residence in it of forty-seven days, on 

cannon thundered ^ay iJd the whol« nf tl,"""'-! ^^^^*i^"l »^^8, while the 
On arriving on shore Edward d^Gaml *tVvf'^<>" «touted out hurrahs I 
marshal's staff in his hand placed him^«?f ^l^ .«^covered brow and hie 
after him five of the ffiluese J th^ ^^^^^^^ 

uncovered, bore the preseÄestined t'r fh?*Sn/Äto' r^%"'^" 
ornamented sceptre of chisled gold a riohlv h!.„«?T»ui ^^°^°'.to wit, an 
slippers embroidered with pearls a rSnf f.J^t.^^^Tr?'*' ®' * P*"* «^ ^ack . 
oU flours, and a bea^ifufÄella^ T^^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^^^ ^^ ' 

attired in a choir shirt of iS muslS^ stuS^'r'^' ^*^^"' ^^'^«*'"' 
also a stole of gold brocade orr,»^^^^A -^^^-^ ^^*^ precious stones, as 
thirty richly-clXd ravtuTce« a^^^^^ and surrounded 'by 

with gold chains and prec ous stoAes Thl ^ °°^^® ^'"^^ *^^ B,domeä 
saüors and marines, alCf course^ d^^^^^^ procession was closed by the 

ing along with hat n hand as fn ord^^^^^^^^^ ^ their Sunday clothes, march- 
Xfvier if was necessary?'; J^erhÄVte^^^* "^^"^ *^ ^'^^^ 

Novemher 20th, 1551, not, however, without leaving behind 
him a shepherd for the small flock which he had collected 
together, and sailed away in a ship placed at his disposal by the 
Admiral, for the city of Canton, which was the nearest place in 
the Chinese Empire. 

A storm, however, compelled him to land on a small island 
on the way, and here he was informed by certain Portuguese 
merchants that it was not permitted for any stranger to cross 
the frontier of China unless he came in the capacity of an am- 
bassador. He, therefore, caused the ship, thus detained by the 
storm, to direct its course back again to Goa instead of to 
Canton, and, on his arriving there, urgently solicited the Viceroy 
—now Don Alphonso de Norogna— to despatch an embassy to 
Peking, under whose auspices he might be able to penetrate into 
this empire, so closed against the outer world. 

At first the Viceroy was unwilling to entertain this project, 
but in the end he allowed himself to be persuaded into it by a 
rich merchant of the name of Jaques Pereira, who was anxious 
to speculate in Chinese wares ; on him he conferred the patent of 
an ambassador, and Francis Xavier, along with some other 
members of the Society of Jesus whom he selected from the 
College, accompanied him. leaving on the 14th of April 1552. 

The route lay via Malacca, where a landing was first made, 
but it would have been better for them had they passed on with- 
out stopping. It appeared to the Portuguese governor here, a 
proud noble, called Don Alvarez d'Atayde, that it was a per- 
fectly preposterous thing that a common bourgeois merchant 
should be sent as an ambassador to one of the greatest monarchs 
of Asia, and he, therefore, declared that the Embassy could not 
be allowed to proceed until he had received further intelligence 
from the Viceroy of Goa. Francis Xavier protested agaiast this 
detention, and excommunicated Don Alvarez, as the latter 
would not in any way acquiesce in his wishes. This, however, did 
not improve matters in the slightest, but, on the contrary, the 
proud man felt so provoked, that he forthwith put the whole 
ambassadorial fleet into arrest until something further was 
heard about the afl*air. This circumstance drove Francis 
Xavier almost frantic, and he made his escape in a small barque, 
leaving behind him most of his companions in Malacca, his 
destination being the island of Sancian. 




The said island being situated on the southern coast of China 
not far from Canton, he hoped to be able to smuggle himself 
from it with ease into the Celestial Empire; and with the assist- 
ance of a Chinese merchant whom he had bribed, would no 
doubt have succeeded, had not the providence of God ordained 
it otherwise for him. He had hardly landed, after a stormy 
passage of nearly one month's duration, when he was laid up 
with a violent fever, and, being treated by an unskilful doctor, he 
succumbed to the disease twelve days afterwards, on the 2nd of 
December 1 552, at the comparatively early age of forty-six years.* 
Such was the end of a man who underwent the greatest 
dangers in order to spread in distant lands what he called the 
Christian religion — of a man whose courage and constancy could 
not be daunted or overcome, even by the greatest of misfortunes, 
and who, on that account, had the right to range himself side 
by side with the most valorous of soldiers ; but also of a man 
who was never in the service of mankind, but merely in that of 
the Papacy, and who, from his more than unwise zeal, never 
hesitated in the least to render the teaching of Christianity, in 
truth, really laughable, and to bring down upon it the ridicule 
of unbelievers. His Order, however, had much for which to 
thank him, as he laid the foundation of many establishments in 
India, China, and Japan, in which only a few decades afterwards 
it might well rejoice; and, without his animating example, his 
followers in missionary undertaking could, certainly, never have 
accomplished what they eventually notoriously brought about to 
the astonishment of the world. On that account he was most 
highly honoured and revered by his fellow Jesuits, who, after 
the lapse of two years, conveyed his corpse, which at the time of 
his death had been buried with quite sufficient ceremony at 
Sancian, to Goa, in order that it should be deposited with great 
pomp and solemnity in the College of the Holy Paul. There, 
later on, also, they erected a splendid mausoleum for him in the 
Jesuits* church, and a similar monument was also raised to his 
memory in the Jesuits' Church in Rome, where, by the command 
of the General of the Order, Claudius Aquaviva, an arm of 
Xavier was brought. The principal thing, however, was that 
the Pope, Paul V., pronounced the apostle of India, as Francis 

• He was born in the year 1506, at the Castle of Xaviero, in Navarre, at 
the foot of the Pyrenees. 




Xavier was designated after his death, to be holy, and Gregory 
XV., on the l2th of March J62Ji, translated him into the 
category of saints, an act which, however, was only announced 
to Christendom on the 6th of August of the year following by 
Pope Urban VIII. Still later, in the year 1747, Pope Benedict 
XIV. bestowed upon him the honourable title of " Protector of 
India," and kings as well as queens hastened to erect churches 
to his' honour, which were, of course, named after him. 

I have dilated, I admit, very considerably on the work ol 
Francis Xavier in Asia, as he was in fact a much too interest- 
ing personage to be passed over in a short description. lu 
regard, however, to his successors in office— I allude to the 
associates and soldiers of Christ, who after him carried on the 
missionary work in Japan, China, and the East Indies, and 
the different fates they met with-I will content myselt with a 
much shorter description, and rather look to the results upon 
which they ultimately had to congratulate themselves. 

In East India, Xavier had completely paved the way for them, 
as in all places of any consequence which had become subject to 
the Portuguese, Jesuit establishments-by whatever name they 
were called, be it colleges, residences, or missions-were founded, 
and it only remained to increase their number, as also to enlarge 
those already existing. For the sons of Loyola it was always 
everywhere an easy matter to succeed in doing so, as, m the 
first place, the Portuguese governors (Don Alvarez d'Altay de being 
almost a soütary exception), by order of the king, played into 
their hands; and as, secondly, they could get the better of any 
opposition to their projects very easily with the assistance of the 
tribunals of the Inquisition, established by themselves, lo 
increase, too, the number of missions was by no means difficult, 
as in every place, wherever the Portuguese or other Euro- 
pean despoilers had penetrated, the Jesuit missionaries pressed 
forward, and, by very simple means, contrived to plant their 
feet firmly, as well as to form Christian communities. In what, 
then, did these simple means consist ? The mode was nothing 
else than this : these missionaries attired themselves as Indian 
priests or Brahmins (throughout all India the Brahminical 
religion prevailed), in order that, before the Indians, who enter- 
tained a strong inborn repugnance to foreigners, they might pass 
themselves off as natives, while they, at the same time, actually 





amalgamated the Christianity which they taught with the already 
8ubs,sung heathenish views and customs of the inhabitanJ. 
The good Hindus (or naüve Indians) might thus still continue 
to be Hindus as long as they merely submitted to be baptised 
and to bear the name of " Christians ! " It was, indeed, not 
even necessary to adopt a Christian name in baptism, as the 
people might retain their own heathenish ones, as St. Paul him- 
self said " one should be all things to all men! " It would, of 
course, be very easy for me to form a complete list of all the 
Jesuits who, as Brahmins, travelled about the country, and who, 
11 they did not exactly trample on the Cross of Christ, at aU 
events denied the same. But I will content myself in noting 
merely two of them, hoping from these examples to give to the 
reader a clear notion as to the nature of Jesuit work and pro- 
ceedings in India. One of them, namely. Pater Constantino 
Beschi. who had most carefully studied the Hindi language, as 
well as Sanscrit, imitated the customs and manners, no less than 
the mode of life of the Brahmins so correctiy that the people 
of the Dekkan. where he for a long time resided, actually began 
to honour him as a saint-as a saint, however, be it well under- 
stood m the heathen heaven ; and, as he published, besides, 
popular poems in the native language, he thus became celebrated 
throughout all lands. What was, then, the consequence of this ? 
The ruler of the Dekkan, in the belief tiiat he was a true 
Brahmin, raised him to be his first court official and minister, 
and Constantino Beschi did not trouble himself in the least to 
explain the mistake. On the contrary, the worthy Pater, hence- 
forth completely renouncing all European customs and origin, 
attired m a fine oriental costume, appeared in public riding upon 
a nchly-caparisoned horse, or carried in a palankeen by slaves, 
and always accompanied by a numerous escort on horseback, 
who cleared the way for the great man. proclaiming his going 
and coming at the same time with a flourish of trumpets No 
one could have supposed that he was in reality a European, 
and much less a baptised Christian. A Jesuit, however, he stiU 
remained to the end of his days, and his companions of the 
Order were not a little proud of him. 

A perfectly different character was presented in the very 
worthy Pater Barthelemi Acosta, the second example which I 
now brmg to notice, as he did not frequent the society of the 

great ones of the land, but rather contented himself with 
mixing among the very lowest dregs of the people ; influenced, 
of course, by the same aim and object as that of Constantino 
Beschi, the Prime Minister and Grand Vizier. He sought out, 
namely, the ill-famed dwellings of the public dancing girls and 
courtesans, and the huts of those called " Bayaders." being well 
aware that, always ready, at any day and hour, to sacrifice to 
the god of love, they thereby possessed great influence over the 
male sex, and he thus soon found himself on the most intimate 
terms with them. He was in the habit of playing with them, 
as well as dancing and drinking with them, by which means 
he become their dearest friend and confidant. The poor creatures 
were quite delighted with him, and desired nothing better 
than to become translated into heaven at the hands of him 
who made the matter so easy for them. One thing only stood 
in the way of their embracing the Christian religion, which was 
that they had been told that Christian priests condemned, as a 
sinful vice, the trade by which they Uved, and, consequently, 
they delayed from hour to hour to receive the sacrament of 
baptism. What, then, did the worthy father do ? He taught 
them that they might become Christians and still, without com- 
mitting sin, might continue to devote themselves to the god 
of love, provided they dedicated a portion of their gains to the 
Christian church, and, at all events, did their best endeavour to 
convert those persons to whom they were in the habit of yielding 
their charms. By these, and other similar ways, the Jesuits 
contrived to insinuate themselves everywhere throughout the 
whole extent of India, and, as long as the dominion of the 
Portuguese lasted, they made themselves absolute masters of 
the soil; that is to say, they found themselves all alone at 
Uberty to despoil the whole of the enormous territory, without 
being interfered with by other Orders, making proselytes, or 
founding colleges and residences, as they were beloved almost 
beyond all measure by the King of Portugal, as we shall here- 
after see. But how was it after the lapse of a century ? When 
other sea-faring nations also came forward, especially the French, 
Dutch, and English, to participate in the great hunt after the 
riches of India, and, as by degrees the power of the first 
despoiler collapsed on all sides, then came also the downfall of 
the Jesuit dominion. As 1 shall hereafter, in the fourth, fifth, 




and seventh books of this work, come to speak of the way in 
which the Jesuits conducted themselves during the height of 
their glory in India it is sufficient for us to know at present 
that, during the period of a hundred years, the Society of Jesus 
was the sole ruler in India in matters connected with religion 
and the Church. 

They were also quite as fortunate in Japan, although with 
much greater trouble than in India, and so far back as the year 
1573, only twenty years after the death of Xavier, they were 
able to congratulate themselves on the possession of large 
establishments in about half of the hundred small kingdoms 
into which the great Empire was divided. Moreover it was a 
fact, that already at that time more than two hundred thousand 
Japanese, exclusive of women and children, had come under 
their banner, and it may be considered no exaggeration at all to 
say that the Popes of Rome exulted over this circumstance, 
declaring that they would never rest satisfied until they had 
brought the whole of Japan under the dominion of Christen- 
dom. But what had the Jesuits to thank for this result? 
Simply and solely their own cunning, and the circumstance 
that Japan formed no single and entire sovereignty ruled over by 
one single monarch. It had from the first, become obvious to 
Xavier that, in order to gain over the Japanese to his opinions, 
it would be necessary for him to mix himself up with theirs also, 
and on that account, as we have already seen, he commenced 
his operations as a Bonze. The associates he had left behind 
him in Japan, namely Come de Torrez, Juan Fernandez, 
Cosmos, or whatever might be their names, adopted the same 
convenient system of morality, and each took good care of 
himself, as it is said, to get into the house by the door. The 
place, thought they, cannot be carried by storm, but by quite 
gently creeping on nil fours; and protected by trenches, the holy 
fathers made their advances, and placed before the garrison such 
easy and agreeable conditions that they could hardly fail to 
yield. After conversion the Jesuit fathers still allowed their 
followers, although they had received the sacrament of baptism, to 
frequent the heathen pagodas, and to pray on their knees before 
their gods Jebischu, Daitotu, Fatziman, Fottei, or by whatever 
other names they might be called, if they in thought only 
transferred their worship and adoration to Christ ! Still their 



conquest would not have been so easy, nor would it have 
certainly been extended within so wide a circle, had it not 
been assisted in a large measure by the breaking up of the great 
empire. Each of their diflferent smaller kings merely sought, 
indeed, his own aggrandizement, and not that of the common 
fatherland ; a continual jealousy consequently reigned amongst 
all, and an ever-enduring envy and hatred prevailed among the 
rivals. To none of them was anything else at heart than the 
depreciation and disparagement of their neighbour, and every 
means that tended thereto was hailed with hearty welcome. 
Especially several of these petty despots believed that great 
advantages would accrue to them, if they entered into commercial 
relationship with a seafaring nation such as the Portuguese, or 
if they succeeded in forming an alliance with those brave men 
who had, just at that time, despoiled India. By what means 
could they attain this object more easily than through inter- 
course with the Jesuits ? I have already apprised the reader of 
the reception given to Francis Xavier by Edward de Gama in the 
seaport of Bungo ; and, as the Jesuits were universally met by 
the Portuguese sailors with servile submission, wherever a Portu- 
guese ship lay at anchor in a Japanese harbour, the sons of Loyola 
might indeed be certain that their captain would be sure to 
place the men at their disposal, as, at the same time, their Order 
was all powerful at the Court of Lisbon. Not a few, accordingly, 
of those minor kings made haste to make themselves as friendly 
as possible with the Loyolites, and, on the principle that " one 
hand washes the other," gave them as much assistance as they 
possibly could. Some of them, indeed, even allowed themselves 
to be baptised, by which example their subjects were naturally 
led to do the like, and then, conjoined to the act of baptism, for 
the most part a liberal donation of lands was at the same dme 
given to the Jesuits, upon which, after becoming settled, they 
might erect their respective colleges and residences. We 
learn, for instance, respecting the King of Omura, that, in the 
year 1562, he assigned to the Jesuits, for their own particular 
' use, the town of Vocoziura, with all the villages within a radius 
of five miles ; and if other princes did not go quite so far as this, 
they, at least, presented the missionaries with all the cloisters 
for which they had occasion. The Jesuits then, in short, after a 
few decades, acquired a most extraordinary influence in Japan, 




and even in Miako, the seat of the Dairi, they succeeded in 
establishing a college along with a noviciate ; and, as they were 
once before known to do, even made use of their power to 
threaten therewith the rulers inimical to them. What do I say- 
to threaten I That is by far too mild an expression, as, from 
threatening they often came to action ; that is to say, the Black 
Cloaks beguiled the converted princes into making an attack on 
the unconverted, and exerted their whole power and influence, in 
this way, to obtain a victory for the former. 

Many volumes might be written concerning these everlast- 
ing machinations, excitations, and houndings on of the Japanese 
one against the other, the consequence being that the history of 
Japan at that time consisted iu nothing else than a constant 
catalogue of insurrections, rebellions, conspiracies, wars, and 
massacres ; each of these fraternal feuds, however, and each of 
these rebeUions, &o., ever aided the Jesuits to a new triumph, 
and at last to such a pitch did matters come that, in the year 
1585, three of the converted kings, namely, those of Bungo, 
Arima, and Omura, organised under their guidance a brilHant 
embassy to the then reigning Pope, Gregory XIII., in order to 
render homage to the head of Christendom. 

This was glory, indeed I Truly such splendid results could 
hardly have been brought about by all the other Orders put 
together; but the Pope himself, also, showed himself grateful, 
and forthwith, through a Special Bull, forbade for the future 
all monks or other ecclesiasücs from going to Japan, with the 
object of exercising any ecclesiastical function whatever, without 
his express permission, under the penalty of being subjected to 
the greater excommunication. 

In this manner was Japan given over to the unrestrained 
spoHation of the Jesuits, and one may easüy imagine that they 
well knew how to make fuU use of their opportunity. In what 
respect, however, did Christianity gain by this? Certainly 
in none whatever, but, on the contrary, it was simply hurtful 
to it, as the Chrisüanity which was taught by the Jesuits 
in Japan had nothing whatever of its character but the name/ 
not even its tenor, as it soon became evident that the Jesuits, in 
tact, fabricated a life of Christ especially adapted to meet the 
ideas of the Japanese, in which they represented the son of the 
wüe Ol the carpenter as coming into the worid arrayed in 



purple, governing as King of Judah, and dying on his bed of 
state in all the glory of a monarch. Still less was done for 
the education of the baptised Japanese ; on the contrary, they 
were allowed designedly to retain all their old superstitions 
along with their depraved habits and vices of sensuality.* 

It was much more difficult, however, for the Jesuits to pene- 
trate into China than into Japan, as at that time the former 
empire was completely closed against all foreigners, and the 
strong door could not be opened either by force or artifice. 
Francis Xavier, as we have already been made aware, died 
within sight of its inviting coasts ; nor did it fare any better 
with others of his Order, more especially with brethren Michael 
Euggieri, and Pazzio, who, coming one from Goa, the other 
from Macao, attempted for thirty years to climb the Chinese 
rocks, as Father Valigno expresses himself. This difficult 
problem was, however, at last solved by one of them, no other 
than the celebrated Mathias Ricci. 

Born in the same year in which Xavier died, to wit, on the 
6th of October 1552, his birth-place was the town of Macerata, 
in the district of Ancona. He, at a very eariy age, showed great 
capabilities, and, after acquiring to some extent the old lan- 
guages, he proceeded to Rome in the year 1568, in order there 
to study law. He then became acquainted with the Jesuit 
fathers, and more especially with Laynez and Salmeron, and 
their persevering efforts at length succeeded in winning over the 
highly-gifted young man to their Order. At the age of nine- 
teen, he entered as a novice into the Collegium Romanum, and 
began to go through the ordinary course in it; but Pater 
Balignano, who at that time was the head of the Novice 
House, soon discovered that young Mathias possessed an extra- 
ordinary talent for mathematics and mechanics. Who could 
have been more rejoiced at this than the Jesuit fathers ? For 
several years had they endeavoured in vain to get hold of some- 
one possessed of this talent. 

• In the years 1633-35 the pious ecclesiastics, Antoninus de St* Malria» 
Francis Almeda, and Jean Baptist, travelled all over the East by order of 
the Pope, and from their statements it is apparent, as is allowed by Uie 
Jesuits, that the Japanese continued still to carry on all their old idol 
ceremonies, and only practised that of Christianity secretly. The Jesuits 
themselves do not at aU deny this, but on the contrary adnut it. The 
Apostles had employed the same means towards the converted Jews and 


Bistort of the jesüits. 

r i 

As soon as it had been brought to the knowledge of the 
General, through the reports current in India and Japan, that 
the Chinese of distinction had an especially great leaning to the 
cultivation of the so-called exact sciences, as, for example, 
mathematics, chemistry, and astronomy, as well also of the 
mechanical arts, and that anyone who distinguished himself 
in those paths would be highly esteemed by them, it was 
determined to send into the " Empire of the Centre," in the 
garb of a Chinese savant, a well-armed Jesuit, deeply instructed 
in such knowledge, and it was not unnatural therefore that 
the Chief of the Order should rejoice in having at last found 
the long-sought-for talent. 

The pursuit of theology was consequently instantly thrown 
aside by Ricci, in order, on the other hand, to prosecute his 
studies in mathematics, chemistry, and astronomy, and with 
this object the most celebrated teachers and professors of those 
sciences available at the period in Rome were had in requisi- 
tion for him. This young man was at the same time instructed 
in mechanical learning, and more especially in the art of 
making physical instruments, that of watch-making not being 
neglected. Ricci acquired a knowledge of all these branches 
with wonderful acumen, as well in practice as in theory. It 
nevertheless took him fully eight years before he had entirely 
perfected himself. 

He now embarked for the East, not, however, immediately for 
China, but for Goa, the head and central point of the A'siatic 
mission. It was here, in the College of the Holy Paul, that the 
finishing touches were given to his education, and, more parti- 
cularly, he there acquired a knowledge of the Chinese language 
so perfectly, that he was quite capable of being taken for a native 
of the Celestial Empire. He applied himself to it with untiring 
zeal, and at last, after four years more, he was now considered 
to be perfect in this respect 

Nothing further was now wanting to hinder him from pro* 
ceeding to his destination, and he therefore embarked in 
September 1583, in the attire of a Lama, or Fo priest, for China, 
where he presently landed in a small sea-port town called 
Tschao-tcheu. Fo is only another term for Buddha, and a 
Lama, or Fo Priest, thus signifies the same in China as Bonze 
does in Japan. He did not dare, at first, indeed, to approach 



Canton or any of the other large cities, for fear of being recog- 
nised as a European ; he held it to be more prudent to work 
quietly from below upwards, and on that account had he, 
indeed, dressed himself in the modest attire of a Lama. He 
advanced so far during the first year as to give instruction to 
the young in mathematics and the other sciences, and thus 
soon won confidence for himself in the neighbourhood. He 
also succeeded in interesting in himself several of the superior 
officials, or mandarins, as they are called in China, by executing 
a Geographical chart of the Celestial Empire, a thing unheard of 
before in China. For his main object, however, that is the con- 
version of the Chinese to the Christian religion, he dared not at 
first attempt much, at all events in public, but he contented 
himself in this respect rather by insinuating in the intervals of 
his teaching some points of Christian doctrines but only such 
as did not appear to be in contradiction to therehgious views of 

the Chinese. „ . ^ ix. 

There existed at that time in this large Empire, and there 
now, indeed, are to be found, k^o systems of religion,* which 
maintain themselves side by side without being mimical to each 
other, both possessing an equal right to flourish, both having 
equal support from the Emperor and his officials. Regarding 
the one. the Buddhist religion, or, as it is called in China, the 
religion of Fo, we already know something in Japan, con- 
sequentlv T have nothing farther to say of it here than this, 
that its "followers are. for the most part, to be found among 
the lower classes of the people; it is polytheism, with its monks 
and nuns, its cloisters, its miracles, and its superstitions. The 
other religious system was that established by Confucius, or 
more correctly Knng-fa-tse, and which, as I have already 
remarked, and now repeat, consists merely in a pure morality 
having much resemblance to Christianity. The followers of 
this latter system, also, to whom belong all the educated classes, 
along with the whole Court and body of Mandarins from the 
lowest to the highest grade, bestow upon the founder of it 
divine honour, although they admit that he was a mere man ; 

• A third religious system was =?*-!» »rrTs°Ä "^h^^^^^^^^ 
as it was called the " Religion of the "ght way. """I WStMQ, üoweve . 

long been almost completely »•»»lg''™**fl7^^„?ÄT * 
«ocount not necessary to make any particular mention ol »t. 





tbey reject all polytheism, along with miracles, and, further, 
heathenish religious pomp and decoration. 

Under such circumstances as these it was easy for Ricci to 
insinuate into his teaching the moral fundamental truths of 
Christianity, without coming into collision with the Chinese, 
and he was thus, indeed, enabled, without showing any antagon- 
ism to them, to proceed so far " as to compose expressly for 
the Chinese a Christian catechism," as everything in this little 
book harmonised with the teaching of Confucius. On the other 
hand, he carefully avoided all mention to any of his scholars 
of the doctrine of the Trinity, of the birth and ascension of 
Christ, ofthe Redemption, or of any other Christian mystery, and, 
in the said catechism all such matters were omitted. One thus 
sees that he advanced stealthily with double craftiness, in that 
in the first place he merely here and there insinuated some- 
thing of Christianity, and, secondly, he adapted such Christianity 
to Chinese ideas; in other words, he re-modelled it to suit 
China. After that Ricci had thus carried on his operations for 
some years in the neighbourhood of Tschao-tcheu, and made 
himÄlf otherwise thoroughly master of Chinese manners and 
customs, he went on into the neighbouring kingdom of Kiang-Sy, 
and, somewhat later on, into Nanking, where he passed himself 
off as a literary savant of the religion of Confucius, in the rich 
attire worn by such, whilst he, at the same time, practised as a 
physician. In the latter capacity he became acquainted with a 
mandarin of very high rank, who called him in on account of 
the illness of a sick son, who had been badly treated by the 
Chinese medical practitioners, and, as he was successful in 
bringing him round, the mandarin invited him to Peking, the 
capital of the Chinese empire. This was precisely what Ricci 
had for a long time striven to accomplish, and he therefore 
responded to the call in the yenr 1595 with the most joyful 
feeling of zeal. He soon came also to get acquainted with 
the higher classes of the community among the Fetisches of his 
highly-conditioned patron, and everyone was amazed at the 
wonderful knowledge which he brought to light. He, moreover, 
strove especially to make friends at Court, in order that he 
might obtain an introduction to the Emperor himself, and, that 
he might the more easily attain his object, he approached even 
the lowest Court oflBcials with the most cringing flattery, wbiJe 

he tried others, according to their dispositions, with presents 
and bribes. He finally, in the year 1601, caused himself to be 
so much talked about among those immediately surrounding 
the Emperor Van- Lie, that the latter, hearing of the wonders 
produced by the learned Ricci, especially concerning a self- 
striking clock, became curious to inspect the apparatus, and 
ordered the possessor of it to be brought before him. Ricci 
presented himself before the monarch, and not only brought with 
him the *' self-striking clock," made by himself, which had 
a very fine appearance, but also several other mechanical 
curiosities which had hitherto been unknown in China. Of 
course, he brought these not alone to exhibit them, but to lay 
them, as presents, at the feet of the Emperor, who was so 
delighted with them, and especially with the clock, that, after 
the dismissal of the disguised Jesuit, he spent several hours in 
watching the action of the works, the revolution of the indicator, 
as well as the means for striking. Not contented with this, His 
Majesty required that his wives, along with the Empress mother, 
should also be brought to inspect this marvellous production. 
But, alas ! what with the constant manipulation, making it per- 
petually strike, and winding it up, it happened that it suddenly 
got out of order and stopped, whereupon Van-Lie became in- 
consolable at this *' extinguished life," and with *a complaining 
expression exclaimed to Ricci, who had been quickly summoned, 
** She is dead." The Jesuit, however, comforting him with these 
words, " She shall soon live again, if the Son of Heaven [the 
title given to the Emperor] orders it," took the clock home with 
him, and put it all right again in the course of a few hours 
without much trouble. From this time forth Ricci had, as may 
be said, the game in his own hands, as the Emperor could now 
no longer do without him, or, rather, Ricci contrived to 
render himself indispensable to His Majesty. He knew at 
once how so to make use of the monarch's weakness for machin- 
ery, to obtain a commission from him for a whole quantity of 
clocks and watches, and, as they were procured from Goa, they 
were, of course, accompanied by other Fathers, and he naturally 
was himself appointed to be supervisor of clocks, as who, besides 
him, was capable of keeping the numerous works in order? 
Then, again, this Father Mathias, as it appears, engaged in 
another of the favourite sciences of the Emperor, namely, in that 






of astronomy, and, lastly, the wily Jesuit managed to show his 
acquaintance as well with chemistry and mathematics. Such 
uncommon endowments as these certainly deserved recognition, 
^nd, consequently, Van-Lie could no longer refrain from hestow- 
ing upon the Father the distinction of Court Mandarin, con- 
sisting in the position of a superior Court official. Moreover, 
he made him the present of a large house in the city, in order 
to establish a college, and endowed it with an enormous in- 
come, as in it astronomers, mathematicians, chemists, opticians, 
and other artists of every description were to be educated. 
It was, thus, no Christian college, nor in any respect an 
educational institution for future priests of any particular 
denomination, but merely a high scientific institution where the 
chief inhabitants of Peking might send their sons, in order 
that they might be instructed and made as skilful as Mathias 
Kicci and his newly-arrived associates. Of course. Christian 
instruction was not altogether excluded from the place, but it 
was only of such a nature as not to rouse against it the opposi- 
tion of the young nobility and their Mandarin parents. On the 
contrary, Ricci and his associates only taught what Confucius 
had taught before, and what had won for that religious founder 
his well-merited place in Heaven. They avoided either attack^ 
ing Chinese habits and customs, or even making but slight 
objections to them, but on the other hand, they rather just 
allowed their pupils to live on quietly in the way they had been 
accustomed to do. They might continue, for instance, to pray 
as before to their household gods, if they had any. They might, 
as before, attend their lantern-feasts, and soul-fJasts, the fete of 
Phelo, and all similar Chinese religious festivities. They might 
sacrifice at the graves of deceased relatives, and, when sick, 
might provide themselves with the "Luin," that is. with the 
prescribed Passe-par-tout, which the Lama priests require as an 
entrance into the other world ; they might, on arriving at the 
age of puberty, observe the custom of the plurality of wives, 
and take to themselves as many spouses and concubines as they 
desired; they might even take to wife their own sisters, 
should they wish it, and, moreover, relationship of any kind 
formed no impediment to marriage. They might do all this, 
and still more, if they would only allow themselves to be 
baptised, and just declare their wish to become Chrisüans; 


so, with the view of avoiding any opposition,* the Jesuit 
Fathers carried out to the fullest extent all such customs and 
ceremonies. It was thus certainly made as easy and convenient 
for them as it reasonably could be ! and as little as possible 
was demanded in return. On the other hand, such immense 
advantagas were promised them, that it would have been indeed 
a perfect marvel had they not been entrapped. All the science 
of Europe was freely offered them for the present life, and by 
means of such knowledge they might thus be enabled to surpass 
all their fellow-countrymen, so that, for the future, the Emperor 
would only select from their number his governors, generals, 
and ministers. As regards the life to come, too, they might 
thus secure for themselves such an eternally enduring happiness, 
and a glorious place in Tien, i.e. heaven, that all the rest, and 
even the souls of those who were burning in hell-fire, must on 
that account greatly envy them, and all this might be attained 
for nothing more of a sacrifice than merely a declaration of 
the desire of being henceforth called Christians. No, indeed, 
nothing more, I repeat, than this ; but along with this declara- 
tion, be it well understood, was the obligation conjoined of 
having no other spiritual advisers than the Jesuit Fathers. 
Herein lay the point, for when the Fathers became, first of all, 
the confessors and spiritual advisers of a family, it was as much 
as if all the members of the family had sworn allegiance to 

In this manner Ricci succeeded in securing an extremely 
influential position at the Court of Pekin, and the consequence 
was that he was not only permitted to build a church adjoining 
the college, but he was enabled also to establish colleges and 
churches in other towns in the great Empire, by means of 
his associates, of whom iie constantly obtained an accession in 
numbers from Goa. It must not be believed, however, that he 

• This is reported in a letter from the Jesuit Ignatius Lobo, dated 12th 
September 1635, to the Franciscan Father, Antonio de Saint Marie. I may 
especially mention, once for all, that what is related here concerning the 
Christian teaching of the Jesuits in China is but an extract taken from 
the reports of the Jesuits themselves. As, for instance, from the great 
work on China by Du Halde, from the memoranda of Fathers Le Conte and 
Martini, from the report of Father Boym, as also from the posthumous 
writings of Bioci himself ; allusion is not made to the false imputations 
emanating from enemies to the Jesuits, but to facts confirmed by the Jesuit 
missionaries themselves. 


' I 



liad no difficulties to contend with in this respect. On the 
contrary, the priests of the Fo religion, in particular, did 
everything in their power to throw suspicion on him and his 
associates, and succeeded so far at Canton, in the year 1608, that 
the Governor there ordered Franz Martinez to he hastinadoed, 
to which punishment he succumbed, and yielded up the ghost. 
Father Longobardi, also, nearly shared the same fate, and even 
Ricci himself was within an ace of heing overthrown by a cabal 
got up against him by the great Bonze of Peking. He contrived, 
however, to make such good use of the friendship which the 
Emperor entertained towards him, that he came off at last 
triumphant, and the blow intended for him and his associates 
fell back upon his enemies * On the whole, therefore, his 
mission had been so marvellously successful that, in J 610, when 
death overtook him, it might be correctly boasted concerning 
him that he had effected, during his twenty-seven years 
operations in China, as much, if not more than Francis Xavier 
Jiad done in India and Japan ; not, however, had he effected 
anything of consequence for Christianity, for what he taught 
certainly had but little more than just the name of Christianity, 
and totally deviated from the religious principles of the Roman 
Catholic faith. But so far as his Order was concerned, he 
opened up for it the largest empire in the worid, in which was to 
lie gained an immensity of power, riches and glory ; in this 
respect things had been properly handled.f 

Not long after the death of Ricci, his great protector and 
patron the Emperor Van-Lie also died, and under his successor, 
Tien-ki, who also did not reign long, the native priests fre- 

• The Court intrigue to which I have alluded above was occasioned by a 
master-stroke of ignominy, in that the Emperor was made to suspect the 
GrandJ3onze by means of a libel, circulated through the Court of Peking, a 
document probably having Ricci for its author, being not only spread 
about but also clearly fabricated. The Governor of Canton, too, who had so 
maltreated Father Martinez, came off badly, as, for his officiousness, he 
was removed from his government to one of less importance, and must 
have held himself to have been fortunate in escaping with so mild a 

punishment. _,, . ,. ., ,. 

t The best proof of how Ricci troubled himself about Christianity He« 
in the fact of his literary activity. He wrote for the Chinese and the 
support of his mission, among others, the following works :—(l) The 
Practical Mathematics of Clavius, (2) the six first books of Euchd, (3) the 
Spheres of Euclid, (4) a Treatise on Physics, (5) a Method of Making Sun 
Dials, (6) the Art of Employing Astrolobiums, (7) on the Use of the Spmet, 
(8) a Catechism of Moral Philosophy— the same in which he develops his 
Chinese Christianity. From these posthumous publications I think we can 
beat form a judgment respecting the *' Apostle of China." 



quently renewed their endeavours to obtain a decree prohibiting 
the proceedings of the intruding foreigners. Intrigue followed 
intrigue, calumniation calumniation, complaint complaint, while 
at one time this party, at another that party, appeared likely to 
get the upper hand. 

It would naturally be of but little interest to the reader were 
I to enter more fully into detail regarding these matters, and I 
will, therefore, only remark that the Jesuits were at one time on 
the point of being completely foiled. The Governor of the king- 
dom of Kiang-Nan, for example, who, in the year 1615, resided 
in Nanking, declared himself to be their particular enemy, and 
not only published a circumstantial decree against them, which 
he transmitted to the Court, but also actually commenced to 
expel them, even without waiting for the approval and sanction 
of higher authority. The Governor of the neighbouring pro- 
vince of Quang Tong now followed his example in this respect, 
and in these portions of the enormous empire the Jesuits suffered 
the most cruel persecution. Their colleges were closed and 
their churches pulled down ; they were themselves thrown into 
the closest prison, bastinadoed, and then packed into a ship like 
bales of goods, and transported out of the country to Macao. 
The authorities ought, however, to have waited a little before 
acting thus, lest the Court of Peking might possibly interfere, 
seeing that the Jesuits still remained in the highest repute there, 
as mathematicians, astronomers, chemists, musicians, and mecha- 
nicians. This interference, however, did not take place, and the 
Nanking decree of expulsion was, on the contrary, immediately 
confirmed, probably from the fact of the memorandum of the 
Governor of Kiang obtaining unanswerable support on the 
points of complaint. And it may be remarked that the Jesuits 
themselves observed unbroken silence regarding this circum- 
stance in their hitherto most detailed reports on China. 

Political events now, however, occurred, which had the effect 
of bringing the pious Fathers into higher honour than they 
had ever before enjoyed. The Tartars, a numerous and brave 
race of people, whose home lay in the northern frontier of the 
empire, had for a long time past given rise to frightful trouble 
to the Emperor of China, who had been only able to repel the 
inroads of these nomad hordes by mustering his whole forces 
against them. It was an inroad of this description that took 







plftce in the year 1618, and the Khan of Tartary, called by the 
Chinese historians the thief " Thien-Min," penetrated almost to 
the very walls of Peking. The Emperor was now in great 
.fitraits, as his cowardly people fought badly, and it was much 
to be feared that even Peking itself might fall into the hands of 
•the enemy. Then, agaiti, Mandarin Seu, one of the highest 
oflBcials of the Empire, whom the Jesuits, through his pious 
daughter, Kandide, who had been baptised by them, and 
solemnly proclaimed to be a saint, had got completely into 
their power, counselled the Emperor to solicit the pious Fathers 
to obtain the assistance of Portuguese officers and, in par- 
ticular, artillerists, in order that, from their superior attain- 
ments in the art of war, the enemy might be driven back. The 
Emperor with great joy welcomed this counsel. The Jesuits, of 
course, most readily complied with his wishes, not, however, 
except under certain conditions, among which were included 
naturally the solemn abrogation of the Nanking decree of ex- 
pulsion. The result was that after the successful defeat of the 
Tartars the Emperor fell completely into the hands of the 
Jesuits, who at the same time in this way obtained the keys of 
government. Full power was then again accorded to them to 
erect colleges in all the cities of the Empire, and also churches 
as well in connection with the former ; and it cannot be doubted 
that they made the most unrestrained use of this privilege. 

The incursions of the Tartars did not by any means cease 
with the defeat of Thien-Min, but were still renewed more 
than ever during the reign of the Emperor Hoai-tsong, the 
successor of Tien-ki. Matters, however, became still worse 
when Prince Li-tse-tching raised a rebellion, and with the aid 
of 70,000 Tartar cavalry advanced on Peking. There could not 
be any question of long resistance, and in despair Hoai-tsong 
along with all his wives committed suicide in his Palace, where- 
upon Li-tse-tching took possession of the throne. But if the 
capital paid him homage, it did not thereupon follow, as a neces- 
sary consequence, that the whole province should do so likewise, 
and such infinite confusion ensued throughout the Chinese 
Empire that shortly no one could distinguish between a cook 
find a butler. Deep was the misery that reigned among all the 
friends of the fatherland, and still more dire were the necessities 
pf the people. The Jesuits, however, on the other hand, rubbed 

their hands with joy, well knowing how to fish in troubled waters, 
and to each of the difierent pretenders who were striving with 
each other for the mastery they promised mountains of gold in 
return for certain advantages. The two Fathers, Cofler and 
Schall, made themselves more particularly conspicuous in this 
respect, and it is really worth while to look a little more closely 
into their conduct, whilst both of them — not on their own account, 
it is true, but by the order of their General in Kome, who held 
all the threads of the machinery — operated in entirely opposite 
camps. Thus, while Turn-Lie, a grandson of the Emperor 
Van-Lie, allowed himself to be proclaimed Emperor in the 
province of Chan Sy, Father Cofler at once attached himself to 
his side, bringing along with him Doctor Lucca, a good engineer 
oflBcer, and, still better, Jesuit, besides several other Fathers 
among whom was Martin Boym. Moreover, besides those 
mentioned were several lay Portuguese, all of them being 
officers, who were sent to him by the Governor of Macao, to be 
attached to his suite, so that, consequently, he could make an 
appearance with some ostentation. Cofler thus acting. Tum Lie 
was thereby soon brought to the conviction that it would now 
be no difficult matter, while the Christians had ranged them- 
selves on his side, to bring the whole of China under subjection. 
Here was, then, already an influential party, and Cofler promised 
their unanimous support as soon as the Prince had been himself 
baptised, along with his wives and children. The latter con- 
sidered a little, as he. did not quite know at this time whether 
he might not, by so acting, give too much offence to the 
great mass of the Chinese people ; but, in the meantime, as news 
came of the defeat of his forces by the enemy, he consented to 
allow his wives and children at least to be publicly baptised, 
though he himself did not "outwardly" recognise Christianity. 
In return for this concession, it was agreed that Peter Cofler 
should create a Christian army, under the command of Lucca. 
Both of these events took place, that is, the baptism and the 
commencement of the assembling together by Lucca of a small 
army. The two spouses of Tum-Lie received the names of 
Helena and Anna ; these, first of all, were immediately required 
to send to the Pope Alexander VII , through Pater Michael 
Boym, autograph letters, dated 4th December 1650, wherein they 
assured the Holy Father, the representative of Christ upon 






earth, that the whole of China had subjected itself to him with 
the most profound devotion.* The heir to the throne, how- 
ever, Tum-Tym, was christened " Constantine," and Cofler drew 
up his horoscope in the following words : " The child born at 
midnight, like the Son of God, shall be fortunate in everything, 
and resemble a sun which will overspread all China with good 
fortune." Considering all this, then, one would have naturally 
been inclined now to come to the conviction that the Jesuits 
had thoroughly sided with the pretender Turn-Lie, and had col- 
lectively worked to procure for him the victory over all his 
opponents for the throne. It wag not so, however, for they played 
quite the same kind of game, besides, with another of the pre- 
tenders ; seeing that, without doubt, one or other of these must 
eventually succeed in carrying off the palm. To wit, then, after 
that Li-tse-tching had seized upon Peking, Osan-Quei, a brother 
of the deceased Emperor, collecting in M^ntchuria a large army 
by means of the treasure which he had brought along with him, 
placed himself at the head thereof, and, entering China, laid 
siege at once to Peking, and compelled Li-tse-tching to abdicate 
the throne. 

He, however, immediately after this, died, and bequeathed 
the inheritance to his only son, Schun-tchin, who forthwith 
armed himself with his whole power in order to subjugate 
also the remaining provinces of China, and put an end thereby 
to all other pretenders to the throne. He was known to be a 
brave commander, and as he could place confidence in his well- 
exercised army, he did not allow himself to doubt for a moment 
that the result of the coming struggle would turn out anything 
else than favourable for him. Nevertheless, while he, like so 
many brave warriors before and after him, was wedded to 
belief in the influence of the stars, before commencing operations 
he determined to consult them and ascertain what was to be his 
fate. He therefore ordered Adam Schall, the Jesuit who at that 
time held the position of astronomer to the Peking College, to 
consult the heavens nightly. Schall, like another Seui, did what 
was demanded of him, and foretold to the valiant Schun-tchin 

• This document also, to which the Jesuits attach not a little importance, 
as it was a proof of the high estimation in which they were held at the 
Court, can be read in extenso in Du Halde's Description de la Chine, tom. iii. 
p. 801. 

that he would not only obtain a most glorious victory, but that 
he should also secure for himself and his posterity easy pos- 
session of the whole eelestial empire. Schun-tchin now 
advanced with his army, conquering one province after another, 
and ended by overthrowing Turn-Lie. He took him prisoner, 
indeed, along with his whole family, and caused all the 
members thereof, including his firstborn, Tam-Tym, to whom 
Andreas Xavier Cofler had predicted such a glorious future, 
to be miserably strangled. Nothing, however, happened to 
the Jesuits who had been hitherto working at the Court of 
the conquered one, as they came over in a body, by order of 
Schall, into the camp of the conqueror, he having all this time 
the patent of Vicar-General of the China Mission in his pocket, 
given to him by the General of the Order. It turned out, then, 
that the Jesuits had been working at the same time in each of 
the two hostile camps, and, no doubt, had the goddess of fortune 
shown herself favourable to Tum-Lie, they would likewise have 
come over just the same to him. They now, however, extolled 
immensely the mighty Schun-tchin, and he proved himself to 
be so gracious to them that, at the time of his death, in 1661, 
although not more than eighty years from the advent of Ricci in 
the country, they possessed no fewer than thirty-eight colleges 
and residences, along with 15 1 churches. Moreover, Pater Adam 
Schall carried matters to such an extreme extent that his most 
gracious monarch actually bestowed upon him the dignity of a 
mandarin of the first rank, nominating him also, at the same 
time, supreme head of the European Bonzes and president of the 
Tribunal of Mathematics of the Celestial Empire. This was one 
of the highest and most influential positions in China, and Adam 
Schall was no longer to be seen in public unless attired in the 
richest stuff's, covered all over with precious stones, sitting in a 
palankin borne by twelve slaves, and escorted by a squadron of 
his own body-guard, being protected from the rays of the sun by 
ah enormous umbrella, under which he was continually fanned 
by numerous attendants, and regarded with the utmost respect 
by crowds of people, who made way for him obsequiously in order 
to escape being driven aside by blows from bamboo staves. 
Moreover, the great Emperor, besides loading him with riches, 
presented him with a large palace in the immediate neighbour- 
hood of his residence, and on more than twenty occasions visited 







Lim personally, whilst it is well known that in China the etiquette 
is for the sovereign never to cross the threshold of a subject. To 
put a crown upon the matter, indeed, he gave him permission to 
address the throne directly on all matters, whereas, in the instance 
of all other Crown and Court officials, it had to be approached 
only through the Tribunal of Petitions ; and, lastly, he entrusted 
to him the education of his firstborn son and successor ! 

Such was the magnificent position accorded to the Jesuit Adam 
Schall at the Court of Peking, and no less splendid was the 
position of the successor to his post, given after his death by the 
General of the Order to the venerable Pater Verbiest, who was 
also a grand mandarin and president of the Tribunal of Mathe- 
matics, and who obtained, moreover, the title of Ma-Fa, stepping 
along, not as an humble preacher of the Christian faith, but as 
a grand dignitary of the great Chinese empire. What was, then, 
in those glorious days, done in respect to the colleges which the 
Jesuits conducted ? Much, as regards mathematical instruments, 
pianos, watches, astronomical tables, and all such studies, but, 
as regards the progress of the Christian religion, nothing at all. 
They turned out, it is true, a number of architects, painters, 
geographers, musicians, astronomers, mathematicians, mechanics, 
physicians, and even diplomatists * But as for Christian theo- 
logians and preachers, none were produced. Verily, a cannon- 
foundry was erected by the worthy Fathers, under the super- 
vision of the venerable Verbiest, close to the Peking college, and 
the guns made there proved to be much more perfect than those 
manufactured by the Chinese. Nothing was heard or under- 
stood, however, about what the Fathers did as regarded the 
diffusion of the spirit of God among the Chinese people. 

II. — The Jesuit Mission in Africa. 

We have above seen how greatly extended had become the 
Jesuit missions in Asia ; so much & \ indeed, that it was hardly 
possible to comprehend all within anything like a narrow 
compass. Entirely different, however, was this the case as to 
the Jesuit mission in Africa, which was limited to a single 
locality and to a comparatively very short space of time. 

* yiie Jesuits were also employed by the Emperor Kang-hi (tue same as 
had been educated by Schall) especially in the latter capacity, Is it wrthey 
who m the year 1689, concluded treaties witii Russia, regulating the 
boundanea between Siberia and Mantchuria. 

When embarking on the Nile in Egypt, with the view of pro- 
ceeding to the frontier, as soon as the latter is passed, one 
reaches Nubia, which has now become a province of Egypt; 
but on proceeding still further south, there are extensive high- 
lands, which reach out between the great plain of Kordofan and 
the Red Sea, whose waters separate them from the peninsula of 
Arabia. This region figures in geographical works under the 
names of Abyssinia (or Habesch) and Ethiopia. 

These fertile lands, in which are the sources of the great 
neighbouring river Nile, as well as other fine streams, and in 
which the fniits of the south flourish along with those of more 
temperate regions, formed, at one time, during the 1st century 
of our era, a mighty kingdom, called Azumitia, after its great 
capital Azum, while Byzantine authors inform us, respecting 
the same, that its rulers had extended their conquests as far as 
Yemen and Saba in Arabia, and on its frontiers, more especially, 
had shattered the power of both Romans and Parthians. At the 
time these events took place, the heathen religion was there 
naturally prevalent, and we read, for. instance, that the valiant 
King Aizanes, who reigned at the commencement of the 4th 
century, after having gained a glorious victory, erected, in 
the year 333, some statues in honour of Aries and Mars. 
Immediately after this, however, about the year 340, two 
wandering missionaries, named Frumentius and Adesius, after- 
wards designated the Apostles of Ethiopia, coming from the 
direction of Egypt, began to preach the doctrines of Chris- 
tianity, and, as King Aizanes himself was one of the first to be 
baptised, their doctrines found such great favour with high and 
low, that in less than ten years' time two- thirds of all the 
heathen temples were converted into Christian churches. In 
addition to which, numbers of cloisters and hermitages were 
established, as a matter of course, after the pattern of the 
Egyptian ones, as Egypt supplied hundreds of secular priests 
who were required for the performance of divine worship, and, as 
may well be supposed, the entire ritual was no other than that 
customary in the mother country. In order, however, to put a 
seal upon the whole affair, the Patriarch of Alexandria conse- 
crated the missionary Frumentius to be the first bishop of the 
newly-converted country, and, from that time forth, it became 
the privilege of the Patriarch to nominate the " Abuna " as the 






primate bishop was designated. It was thus that Ethiopia 
became the most remote bulwark of Christiaüity in Africa, and 
many attempts were then made to gain a footing for this 
faith even in Arabia; but, the religion of Mahomet starting 
into existence in the 7th century, a completely different com- 
plexion was given to the whole matter. Mahomedanism, which, 
as is well known, made proselytes sword in hand, seized not 
only upon Arabia, along with all the coasts bordering upon 
the Red Sea, comprehending therein the territory of the Kings 
of Azum, but also subjected £gypt up to the frontiers of Nubia, 
thereby rendering Abyssinia, as it were, a Christian oasis in 
the midst of countries now become Mahomedan. Not contented, 
indeed, with this, the Khalifs (Mahomet's successors) sought to 
penetrate into Abyssinia itself, and not merely weakened it much 
by successive aggressive raids, but continued their efforts until 
they had gained over to Islam a portion of the population. What 
was still worse, they gradually excluded the country, both by sea 
and land, from all intercourse with other nations in such a way 
as to draw a cordon round it; so isolated, indeed, did it 
thus become that for centuries nothing was heard of it in 
Europe. It was not till the Middle Ages that a tradition 
sprang up regarding the lost Christian monarchy, when much was 
talked of respecting a certain ** Priester John " who governed 
this kingdom, and who was said to be the lineal descendant of 
King Solomon Still no one could give any very distinct 
information about the matter, and many thought it to be a 
myth and an idle dream, until the end of the year 1483, when an 
Abyssinian made his appearance at the Council of Florence 
giving himself out to be an ambassador from the ruler of that 
country, Za Yacub by name. He disappeared again, however, 
immediately after it was brought to a close, and then no more 
was again heard of the kingdom than previously. As the 
Portuguese, in one of their expeditions to the east coast of 
Africa, in the year 1484, learned, through an embassy to the 
negro State of Benin, that, twenty months* journey beyond the 
latter, a powerful king of the name of Za-Ogano reigned, and as 
they, with reason, thought that this Christian kingdom could be 
no other than that of the mythical "Preste Jono," they fitted 
out an expedition at once, under the supreme command of Pero 
de Covilha, which should proceed through Egypt and the Bed 

Sea to the east coast of Africa. Covilha accomplished his 
commission in the most brilliant manner, and after a three 
years' search, found that for which he was instructed to look, 
namely, the Christian State of Habesch, in the midst of a 
surrounding partly heathenish and partly Mahomedan. The 
great problem was at last solved, and the reward of the 
Portuguese was that they obtained permission from the ruler of 
the State mentioaed, the Negus Za-Densal (" Negus " is 
in Abyssinia the equivalent of " King ") to trade at their 
pleasure, and to found therein commercial establishments; 
for which privilege they were, however, required to give 
effectual assistance against the Mahomedans, who made their 
incursions even as far as from Aden, as also, later on, against 
the Gallas, a wild tribe of people who had their home south of 

So far, all was right between them, and the two nation- 
alities agreed very well together, especially after becoming 
known to each other, partly through the aid of interpreters, 
and partly by conversing through the medium of their respective 

The Pope of Kome now made a discovery which might sud- 
denly have the effect of interrupting at once the continuance of 
a lasting good understanding. And in what did this discovery, 
indeed, consist ? Simply in this, that the Abyssinians proved 
themselves to be no true Roman Catholic Christians, but, on 
the other hand, heretics of the class of so-called Monophysites. 
so they must at once be converted to the only true Catholic 
Church. The Pope was right to a certain extent from his own 
stand-point, that is, that the Abyssinians adhered to the same 
faith as the Christians in Egypt (the so-called Kopts), contend- 
ing that in Christ were united two natures in one person, the 
human and divine without admixture, transmutation, or separa- 
tion. Besides which, they deviated also in some other respects 
from the practice of the Latin or Roman Catholic ritual, as for 
instance in that of baptism, which was always preceded with 
them by circumcision ; as also in the observance of the Sabbath, 
and in that of fasting, which they extended always to sunset, 
while the Romish Christians abstained from food only up to 
mid-day. But the principal difficulty did not consist, by any 
means, merely in these two externals, which signified next 








to nothing as regards the Oriental Christian ritual, but in this, 
that the Abyssinian clergy did not look upon the Pope of Borne as 
their supreme Church authority, preferring rather the Patriarch of 
Alexandria, and they could not be prevailed upon to yield on this 
point, in spite of all Roman argument. This was clearly nothing 
but open heresy, and must be opposed with the greatest energy. 
But whom should the Popes nominate as executors of their will 
and pleasure? No other, of course, than. the Order of the 
Jesuits, which had already taken upon itself the task of contend- 
ing with heresy all over the world, and in re-establishing the 
Papal supremacy everywhere. And had not the sons of Loyola 
already given proof of their zeal and energy in Japan and 
China ? What were they not capable of doing, and if they 
could not bring about the Romanising of the Abyssinians, no 
one else, assuredly, would be likely to succeed in so doing. 
What now took place can well be imagined, and I will just 
allude to it in a very few words. 

The Jesuits first of all, as usual, sought to establish them- 
selves in the country by means of founding colleges, in which 
thev succeeded with the assistance of their friends the Portu- 


guese, in whose ships they reached Abyssinia. They then 
directed their attention to the great men of the kingdom, in 
order to bring them over to their views, and with this object 
left untried no means, including flattery and even bribery, to 
mould them to their wishes. At length, after ten years of under- 
mining and agitation, it fell to the lot of Father Paez, who gave 
promise of becoming another Ricci, to succeed in bringing over 
to his side, at the end of the 1 (ith century, Socinius, successor to 
the throne, and the same made a vow, in his spiritual weakness, 
as soon as he should succeed to power, to do his utmost that the 
** unity of the Church ** might be re-established ; this was the 
bait of which the Jesuits made use In fact, he kept his 
word ; and, in the year 1 603, as soon as he became King, he 
immediately, along with his whole family, abjured the previous 
heresy of Monophysism, at the same time making a solemn 
declaration that he would henceforth recognise the Pope alone as 
Spiritual Lord of the Kingdom. As may be easily imagined, his 
example was at once followed by a number of the courtiers ; and, 
as the favour of the ruler must, as a matter of course, have been 
renounced by all those who adhered to the old faith, most of 

the provincial governors also, after a short time, espoused the 
side of the Jesuits. It seemed, in fact, to be a settled aflfair 
that the latter had gained the victory, and thus it was 
represented to Pope Gregory XV., who was induced thereby 
to nominate one of their number, Alfonso Mendez, under the 
title of Patriarch of Abyssinia, to be supreme bishop of the 
country, with all proper dictatorial power in matters of faith ; 
while, at the same time, the weak-minded Negus Socinius was 
induced to declare himself ready to carry out, with his wordly 
weapons and despotic power, all that was required by the Latin 
Patriarch. There now commenced, as may be well imagined, a 
cruel time for the hitherto happy land of Abyssinia — a period of 
such frightful strife, persecution, and affliction, that the pen 
almost refuses to describe the inhuman cruelties which were 
enforced by the Jesuits against the refractory believers in the 
old faith ; but it was just this very blood-thirsty barbarity and 
torture for conscience' sake, this inexorable passion with which 
the cause of Rome was prosecuted, that snatched the victory 
from the sons of Loyola. Abyssinia, for example, contained a 
very numerous body of clergy, consisting of "kasis," or 
parsons, " debteraten," or deacons, " komosaten," or prelates, 
besides, lastly, an " Abuna," or metropolitan bishop, of whom I 
have already made mention ; there were, moreover, of monks 
and nuns almost more than enough in number; all of these 
priests and cowl-wearers, however, clung with invincible tenacity 
to their rites and customs which they had for centuries 
observed, and would especially have nothing whatever to do 
with the Pope of Rome, who wished to be dominant over all 
bishops and patriarchs in the world. The Jesuits could not 
thus conceal from themselves that the innovations which 
thev desired to introduce would raise up against them many 
adversaries, the number of such being all the greater in that the 
Abyssinian priests exercised great influence over the minds 
of the people, and especially held unlimited power over the 
wills of their confessants belonging to the lower orders : they 
could not well help seeing that it could only be by a slow 
process of undermining religious convictions, patiently continued 
for many years, that anything of consequence could be eflFected ; 
the alternative was that a whole race of people could be coerced 
by force. They determined, then, in their impetuosity and 



^ ♦#' 





arrogance, to adopt the latter course, and thought that they 
would be able to attain their end with the rabble as readily as 
they had already done with the Indians and Japanese. They, 
therefore, incited the King to issue orders to his governors to 
proceed against the refractory priests with the greatest severity. 
But, behold ! now it soon became apparent that the Abyssinians 
were not going to show themselves so effeminate as tamely 
to submit, with humble submission, to an order from superior 
authority, like mindless slaves and degraded creatures. Such 
was not the case ; on the contrary, led by their priests, they 
declared in thousands, by vigorous petitions to the throne, that 
they would not yield, and that they were, moreover, prepared to 
live or die for their faith. 

What did it now signify, if the King s officials, at the desire 
of the Jesuits, sought to overcome this opposition of the people 
by means of cudgelling and sword-cuts ? , What did it matter 
now that some of the governors, and among them one especially, 
called Zela, and bearing the nickname of Christ, distinguished 
himself by consigning to the gallows all those priests who pre- 
ferred that alternative to conversion ? The people rose in 
rebellion, the storm broke loose, and the agitation became so 
universal, that, in order that all might not be lost, King Socinius 
was compelled to abdicate in favour of his son Facilidas, who, at 
once turning completely round, reverted to the old religion, and 
drove the Portuguese, along with the Jesuits, entirely out of the 
country. He caused, indeed, some of the Fathers, who endea- 
voured to raise a counter revolution, to be publicly executed, and 
promulgated a decree, by which all the Black Cloaks were pro- 
hibited for the future from crossing the frontiers, under pain of 

Thus terminated the short domination of the Jesuits in 
Habesch, and by the energetic action of Negus Facilidas these 
were so completely cured of their rage .'*^r conversion in this part 
of the world, that they never again made any further attempt ; 
neither did they even so much as think of trying to settle in any 
other places in Africa, but, on the contrary, at once renounced all 
idea of attempting to form any other permanent settlements, as 
well in Egypt, among the headstrong and obstinate Kopts, as on 
the Congo among the half-savage blacks, probably because in their 
opinion the field did not give promise of any productive harvest. 

Thus vanished in the African sands every trace of the Jesuits, 
and if, later on, agents of the Society did from time to 
time occasionally make their appearance in the Portuguese 
settlements on the west coast of Africa, they did not come there 
to preach the Christian doctrine, or to make any permanent 
settlement, but merely to purchase cargoes of blacks, and to ship 
them off as slaves to their colonies in America. 

III.— The Jesuit Missions in America. 

With the Portuguese the Jesuits came into Asia, with the 
same people they also came into Africa, and still again the 
Jesuits came with them into America. In the last-mentioned 
quarter of the globe that nation already possessed an enormous 
extent of territory, which is now known under the name of 
Brazil, and in the year 1549 King John III. of Portugal sent a 
fleet of ships containing a number of emigrants, who founded 
the city of San Salvador, in the Gulf of Bahia, on the east 
coast of Central America. 

As the missionary work of Francis Xavier had been so 
extraordinarily successful among the populations of Asia, who 
had thus been converted into good subjects of the King, he 
requested Loyola, the Jesuit General in Kome, to supply him 
with some missionaries for America also, in the hope that the 
long-cloaked Fathers might get on as well with the inhabitants 
of the West Indies as they had done with those of the East 
Indies ; and Loyola at first sight recognising the importance of 
this mission, at once consigned to him six members of his Order. 
Those six, among whom was Emanuel Rodrega, who, by his 
untiring energy, as well as by his superior sagacity, was highly 
esteemed by Jesuit historians, and not without reason, at once 
built a house for themselves at San Salvador — that is to say, 
a residence — and thence commenced their efforts, in order to 
see what could be effected with the natives in the interior of the 
country. It soon was apparent, however, that the latter manifested 
a verv different disposition from the degraded and enervated 
Hindoos, and under the oppressions and tortures inflicted on 
them by the Europeans they, if possible, became still more 
savage and cruel than they had previously been. The Jesuit 
Fathers, therefore, were not received with anything like a good 





welcome, and could not in consequence do much with them — at 
all events at first, as they were not yet at all acquainted with 
the language of the Indians, as the natives of America were 
commonly called. They lived, moreover, in constant fear of 
being murdered by the savages, who, being cannibals, entertained 
an irresistible longing for the taste of human flesh. They had 
so much to endure, besides, from oppression during their 
wanderings, that it was indeed surprising that any of them 
escaped, under the circumstances, in their zealous efforts. 
Nevertheless they soon found their exertions crowned with 
a certain amount of success, as the Indians allowed all the 
unfortunates who were condemned to be eaten, and who were, 
for the most part, prisoners taken during their constant feuds 
with other tribes, to be baptised previous to their being 
slaughtered.* Besides this, they met with some success among 
the Indian females — at least, with those tribes who had pitched 
their camp in the neighbourhood of European settlements — and 
induced the same to accept of rosaries and Agnus Dei. Through 
the women they obtained some influence, too, over the men, 
and the result was that the conversion always terminated with 
the rite of baptism, although those baptised had not, indeed, the 
slightest conception of Christianity. 

The Jesuits at length brought the matter so far, that most of 
the whites in the Portuguese settlements, as well as the half- 
castes, or progeny of whites and Indian women, accepted them 
as father confessors — the great thing, however, being that they 
obtained large tracts of extensive territory in the way of presents, 
in order to build thereon residences and colleges. This took 
place all over the country wherever it was at all possible, and 
there soon flourished in San Salvador, Pernambuco, and Eio 
Janeiro three magnificent and very numerously attended educa- 
tional institutions. 

Not long after this — less than twenty years subsequent to their 
first landing — the Jesuits had already overstepped the boundaries 
of Brazil and penetrated Peru, where in Lima, La Paz, and 
Cusco they also established colleges. Later on— after another 

* Not infrequently, moreover, the Indians recalled the permission for the 
baptism of the human victims, because they entertained the prejudice that 
flesh lost its good flavour by the act in question. They looked upon 
baptism then as a description of magic, and the Jesuits were careful to 
avoid removing the superstition which they entertained. 


twenty years— however, they possessed settlements in every part 
of South and Central America, wherever the banners of Portugal 
or Spain waved, as, for instance, in Chili, Mexico, Tukuman, 
and Maranham, and their agents and missionaries permeated 
throughout the whole of that enormous continent, which 
extend from the Isthmus of Panama to the Straits of Magellan, 
as on the other hand from Panama upwards to the Rio del 
Norde. They, indeed, penetrated even into Canada, and the 
banners of Ignatius proudly waved wherever the white flag with 
the three lilies protected it. When, however, that country came 
to be given over from the French to the English, the Jesuits 
had to take their departure, and fly precipitately to the south, as 
neither the English nor Dutch, and not even the Danes, tolerated 
Jesuit settlements in their American colonies. 

Great, however, as was the power and possessions which the 
Jesuits obtained in the individual countries of America, this 
splendour was almost entirely eclipsed by another grand acqui- 
sition which they encompassed in this same land, where they 
got possession of a complete empire, over which they ruled as 
absolute monarchs— a dominion, indeed, even twice as large as 
Italy. This country was called Paraguay, and, since it has 
never before come to pass that a purely ecclesiastical Order 
has elevated itself to the position of a sovereign king, on that 
account it is well worth the trouble of going into the matter a 
little more in detail. 

The Paraguay of the present day, one of the smallest free 
states of South America, is bounded on the west by the river 
Paraguay, on the east and north by Brazil, and on the south by 
the territory of Parana, having an extent of only 4,176 square 
miles. The Paraguay, however, of the 16th and 1 7th centuries 
was, on the contrary, of infinitely larger proportions, and 
embraced neariy all the land now included in the states of La 
Plata and the Banda- oriental. The same comprehends almost 
uninterruptedly a large continuous plain, with but a few ranges 
of hills of not more than a few thousand feet in height, and 
is watered by a number of delightful streams, especially the 
i nvers called Paraguay and Uruguay, which discharge themselves 
^ntirely into the Parana, which, after its union with the 
^niRuay, assTimes the name of Rio de la Plata. Its climate is 
?mi-tropical, and on that account its soil surpasses in fertihty 



that of almost any other country in the world ; consequently, 
not only do all the ordinary descriptions of fruit which are 
made use of for food hy man thrive and prosper, hut also such 
plants as tohacco, cotton, and sugar can he grown there with 
advantage. Of not less importance, hut perhaps, indeed, much 
more so, is the condition of the animal creation therein. On 
the one hand, there are to he found enormous troops of all 
descriptions of wild animals, such as swine, stags, and diflferent 
kinds of deer ; while, on the other, domesticated animals, more 
especially horses and other cattle, ahound in herds. Nothing, 
however, surpasses the magnificence of the forests, and the 
so-called Barrigudos, of no less than three fathoms in cir- 
cumference, as also palm-trees of 180 feet in height, are 
hy no means uncommonly to he met with. In short, it is 
indeed a wonderfully delightful country, heing the only region, 
perhaps, which can he made available for such opposite uses, as it 
happens that enormous tracts, during the rainy season, disappear 
under water. The first discoverer of this superh territory was 
the Spaniard, Juan Diaz de Solis, Grand Pilot of Castile, who, in 
the year 1516, entered into the Rio de la Plata, and was killed 
hy the natives. He was afterwards eaten hy them within sight 
of his ships' crews. Three years after this, Don Martin de Sosa, 
Captain-General of Brazil, sent Alexis Garcia, along with four 
other Portuguese, all brave and powerful men, to the Rio de la 
Plata, in order that they might endeavour to penetrate thence 
into the gold and silver coasts of Peru, which, at that time, 
belonged to the Spaniards, and this adventurous journey was 
indeed efiected. On the return journey, Garcia and two of his 
companions were massacred by the savages, and the two remain- 
ing ones alone succeeded in reaching alive the town of Bahia, or 

San Salvador. 

The expedition of George Sedano terminated in a result quite 
as unfortunate. He, with sixty other Portuguese, set out like- 
wise from Bahia for the Parana, and they also, through the 
treacherous cunning of the Indians, all found their graves in the 
same river. At last, the Emperor Charles V., in the year 
1525, sent his grand pilot, Cabot, with five ships, to the river 
Plate, and this distinguished mariner succeeded in ascending it 
until he arrived at Paraguay, and, consequently, no one but him 
can be thanked for the first correct information concerning that 



country. He took possession, also, of the whole territory of 
Parana, or Paraguay, for the Spanish crown, and erected, at the 
confluence of the Rio Ticero with the Parana, a tower known 
afterwards by the name of Cabot's tower. The first settlement, 
however, properly so called, namely, the city of Buenos Ayres, 
was only founded ten years later by Don Pedro de Mendoza, 
who, in 1530, by order of Charles V., set sail from Seville, also 
for the Rio de la Plata, with fourteen ships and a crew of nearly 
30,000 men; and two years after this, at the confluence of the 
Pilco Mayo with the Parana, the city of Assumption, which is 
situated equi-distant from the boundaries of Peru and Brazil, 
was established. From this time forth began the actual appro- 
priation of the country, as well as its gradual colonisation, by the 
Spaniards, and thence arose the vice-royalty of La Plata, over 
which, in the name of the King, ruled one of those so-called 
Adelantade, or Captains-General. Still, after the lapse of some 
time, other cities were again founded, as, for instance, in the 
year 1557, Ciudad Real, at the junction of the Piquiry with the 
Parana; and in 1570,. Santa F6, on the Rio de Salado ; thus 
one must not keep out of sight that all these settlements lay on 
the great rivers of the country, while, on the contrary, not a 
single colony was established on the mainland ; consequently, 
they were considerably apart from the several commercial arteries 
which served instead of roads. On the other hand, the said 
mainland continued to be quite uncolonised, completely un- 
conquered, and thus thoroughly unknown to the Spaniards, who, 
in the provinces subdued by them, only troubled themselves 
about the search for gold and silver, and had no desire to know 
anything concerning agriculture and the breeding of cattle, 
or, indeed, industry and trade, proving themselves here, as 
throughout the whole of America, to have but a bad talent for 
colonisation. Everyone of them who embarked for America 
desired only to live like a nobleman, regarding it as derogatory 
to engage himself in labour of the very slightest kind ! Under 
such circumstances, the Captains- General must, very shortly, 
have come to the conclusion that the provinces entrusted to them 
could never attain to any degree of development, or arrive at any 
prosperity or order, unless the natives of the country, the in- 
dijBfenous Indians, could be induced to become efficient citizens. 
These, indeed, formed by far the greater raajoritv of the popu- 

9 * 



lation, and from them could alone be obtained the labour 
which was wanted most imperatively. How, then, was this 
desirable object to be accomplished? The answer to this 
was simply by making Christians of them, as along with the 
Christian religion they would involuntarily also acquire, at the 
same time. Christian manners, Christian culture, and a Christian 
mode of living. Charles V. had not at the time sufficiently im- 
pressed upon the Captains- General whom he had sent out to La 
Plata, that the ecclesiastics and monks taken with them were 
intended for the conversion of the native Indians ; neither did 
Philip II. see to this. The Captains-General, too, were in 
this respect very remiss in their duty as to the orders they gave. 
They brought out to Paraguay, it is true, several Franciscan 
monks, among whom Francis Solano and Ludwig de Bolanjos 
were notably distinguished. Moreover, to the province of Para- 
guay was given a bishop, in the person of John de Barras, also 
a Franciscan monk, and the city of Assumption was raised to be 
his See, into which he himself made a solemn entry in the year 
15Ö4. He had, however, no great desire to prosecute with vigour 
the introduction of Christianity, for two equally weighty reasons. 
In the first place, on account of the behaviour of the 
Spaniards, which displayed the strongest contrast to the teaching 
of mildness and benevolence indoctrinated by the gospel, as it is 
notorious with what unmerciful severity and cruelty the proud 
and insatiable conquerors treated the poor oppressed natives ; 
and, in the second place, there was no desire on the part of the 
latter to embrace the religion acknowledged by their tormentors, 
as, on the contrary, they disliked this religion as much as the 
Spaniards hated them, and if, here and there, in order to escape 
oppression, they allowed themselves to be baptised, they imme- 
diately, as soon as a favourable opportunity presented itself, 
reverted to their original faith. Then, again, there was a com- 
plete dearth of priests, and there existed whole districts where 
there was not a single member of the fraternity to be seen, no 
one to baptise and marry, no one to instruct the young, no one 
to tender extreme unction to the dying on their way to eternity ; 
should, however, an isolated spot happen to be so fortunate 
as to possess one or, at most, two ecclesiastics, they were prac- 
tically of no avail among this vast extent of territory ; and on 
acoount of this want of power, but much more even from the 



circumstance that few were acquainted with the language of the 
Indians, it became evident that ail attempts to convert the un- 
believers must be abandoned. And whence arose this great want ? 
Simply from this, that Paraguay was still completely devoid of 
civilisation, and, lying as it did beyond the sphere of traffic 
in the commercial world, it could offer no powers of attraction 
to the Catholic priesthood, accustomed to enjoyment of every 
description ; and on this account it was that even the begging 
monks of the lowest grade looked upon this distant land as a 
kind of penal exile, having as yet but the attributes of a 
wilderness, with which no one could have any desire to become 

During seventy years, therefore, the conversion and civilisa- 
tion of the Indians made but little progress in Paraguay, 
that is to say, up to the year 1586. It then occurred to 
Don Franciscus de Victoria, the newly-appointed bishop of 
the Province Tukuman, adjoining Chili, in the whole of whose 
extensive diocese there did not exist even a couple of dozen 
priests, whether it would not be well to crave assistance for 
them from the Society of Jesus. The want, indeed, must have 
been very urgent, otherwise Don Franciscus, who belonged 
himself to the Order of the Dominicans, would not certainly 
have entertained any such idea. Be this as it may, it pleased 
the first bishop of Tukuman to call in the aid of the Jesuits, 
for the reason that, by this time, good service had been done 
by them in the neighbouring states of Brazil and Peru, in the 
way of conversion; he at once, then, in the year 1586, wrote 
to the Provincials of both of the above-named states, the 
Fathers Anchieta and Atiensa, who, indeed, at once complied 
with his wishes and immediately sent him, to begin with, 
eight members of the Order ; promising, at the same time, that 
more would follow if they were needed.* This was, indeed, 
hardly required, as they were no ordinary Fathers, skilled 
merely in the dispensing of the sacraments and the singing of 
masses, but persons who likewise understood something of what 

• Ab a matter of curiosity I will here give the names of these eight 
Jesuits. They were called Franciscus Angulo, Alphonso Barsana, Juan 
Villegas, Emanuel de Ortega, Stephan Grao (properly Grau, who was a 
German), Juan Salonio, Thomas Field (a Scotchman), and Paulo Arminio. 
All of these were Fathers, and, consequently, for this reason were authorised 
to conduct all kinds of divine service. Father Arminio, however, acted as 
the superior or head of them all« 



monks, intended to act as missionaries, had not hitherto studied, 
namely, the language of the natives, concerning which much 
zealous attention had been bestowed in all of the Jesuit col- 
leges of Brazil and Peru ; and, consequently, they could come 
to a good understanding with the natives from the commence- 
ment. This was the foundation of the Jesuit settlement in this 
part of America, a very modest and innocent beginning, as one 
sees ; but after a few years both modesty and innocence were 
lost, and an entirely different condition of affairs came into play. 
From the town of Tukuman and its provinces, the Fathers visited • 
the remaining cities of the country one after the other, especially 
Cordua and Assumption, along with the extensive province of 
Guayra, which latter was selected as the sphere of duty for 
Fathers Ortega and Fields, who were more especially versed in 
the Guayraian language, and who the longer they regarded the 
territory the more they were pleased with it. They tried, above 
everything, to make themselves at home in their settlement, 
exactly the same as they had done in India, Japan, and China; 
it still required, however, fully three years before they obtained 
their first possession, then, indeed; but a very modest one, so 
much so, that it might almost be called mean, as it consisted 
merely of a small dwelling-house, with an equally small chapel, 
in the small town of Villarica. From this time forward progress, 
as may be said, went on at a galloping pace, and, in accordance 
with the idea originally entertained, a large number of new 
members were sent to their assistance from Peru and Brazil, 
and among them several Fathers of distinction ; as for instance, 
Romero, Caspar de Monroy, Juan Viana, and Marcel Lorenzana ; 
80 that, after the lapse of two years, as may be supposed, they 
were able to found a college. This took place in the year 1593, 
in the city of Assumption, the capital of Paraguay; and the 
Spanish inhabitants of it, including the Governor and principal 
nobility, taxed themselves to such a considerable extent, that 
they were enabled to erect quite a beautiful building adjoining 
the church. In the year 1599, this building was followed by 
the erection of a mission-house in Cordua, with a magnificent 
cathedral; and there was every appearance that very shortly 
similar establishments might also be founded in Santa Fe, as 
well as in other towns. This, however, did not prove to be the 
case, as in the year 1602 the whole tenure of the Jesuits in 



Paraguay assumed a totally new aspect. Up to this time they 
had worked as true missionaries ; and, indeed, as we have seen, 
they had, acquired here and there landed property, and even 
built a college, or a mission-house, whilst they were at the same 
time occupied in travelling about from one district to another, 
and from one tribe to another, in order to proclaim everywhere 
the cross of Christ. This constant journeying backwards and 
forwards, however, owing to the great distances at which the 
settlements lay from one another, gave rise to great difficulties. 
Moreover, they could not reckon that the Indians, as soon as the 
missionaries had turned their backs, would not revert to their 
heathenish practices ; consequently, it appeared evident to them 
that, if any permanent impression was to be made among the 
natives, it would be necessary to give up this system of travelling 
about, and take up a permanent abode among them. This was 
one discovery which, up to this date, had been made. A 
second consisted in this, that the Jesuits by this time had 
become aware exactly how the enormous territory that went 
under the name of Paraguay was situated, while this still 
remained a secret to the Spaniards in general, beyond the couple 
of towns and their immediate neighbourhood lying on the great 
rivers. The latter, for instance, had not gone further into the 
country than up to the first waterfall, and they continued to be 
in great ignorance respecting the vast territory which lay between 
the Uruguay and the Parana, as well as between the latter and 
the Paraguay river; they had not taken the least trouble to 
become acquainted with. the different tribes inhabiting these 
reigons, or to gain their friendship ; but their whole plans had 
consisted in laying the severest possible yoke upon all such 
nations as they had been able to subjugate, and to keep them on 
their plantations, or " commands," as these were designated in 
Paraguay, at the most slavish work. All this, and indeed much 
more, was known to the Jesuits operating in Paraguay, only too 
well, and they, of course, made an accurate report of the true 
state of matters to their General in Rome. And who was he 
but the same Claudius Aquaviva ? a man endowed with extra- 
ordin?j:y mental capacity, and, at the same time, most actively 
energetic ; who at once devised a mode by which the greatest 
portion of Paraguay should fall completely into the hands of 
the Society of Jesus, beyond ail interference from any secular 



power. This plan was arranged with the most infinite skill and 
cunning, and the carrying out of it was entrusted to a no less 
skilful individual than the Father Stephan Paez, whom Aqua- 
yiva had despatched to Paraguay as visitor of all the houses of 
the Order in the new world. This same Father arrived, in the 
year 1602, in the town of Salta, and at once ordered all the 
professed Jesuits to appear before him. He then took each one 
of them separately to task, and questioned him in regard to all 
details most particularly, in order that everything essential 
appertaining to the future organisation of the Order in Para- 
guay might be extracted ; lastly, assembling all those present, 
he made a long speech to them, communicating to them the 
orders of their General. These were to the effect, as already 
indicated, that a proper and distinct Christian State must be 
constituted in Paraguay, over which the Jesuit General in 
Rome should rule as absolute monarch, and, in order to carry 
out this comprehensive idea, the work each one had to do was 
assigned to him. From this time forth each step taken by the 
Jesuits in Paraguay was most carefully considered, and when 
progress was but slow, and often effected by very roundabout 
ways, the great aim and object to be attained was never lost sight 
of. Above everything it was of consequence to conciliate the 
natives, and the Jesuit missionaries began unanimously and 
most zealously by severely censuring the frightful oppression 
under which the Indians groaned. *' The commands, upon which 
the poor redskins work as slaves, are an abomination in the sight 
of God,*' cried they, '* and a complete extermination of the popu- 
lation must follow if the present system continue." Such and 
similar expressions aroused the hatred of the Spaniards not 
a little, and the Jesuit Fathers had, in consequence, during 
the next two years, to undergo much injustice. They were, 
indeed, regularly driven out of several of the towns, such 
as Cordova and San lago, but they won over all the more 
retainers among the redskins, and they thus succeeded in con- 
verting and making friends of a not inconsiderable portion of the 
great nation of Guayranas, that is, of the inhabitants of Guayra. 
Previous to the Spanish conquest, the tribe of Tubinambas 
Indians was by far the most powerful in Paraguay, being dis- 
tinguished at the same time for its peculiar ferocity ; to them, 
indeed, may be ascribed the cruelties to which the intruding 



whites were subjected. They, the Tubinambas, slaughtered their 
prisoners ; they looked upon human tiesh as the most delicious 
of food under the sun, and they offered resistance to the death 
against the God of the Christians. As they came to be aware, 
from many years of warfare, that the weapons of the white men 
were too much for them, they arrived at the bold resolution of 
turning their backs on their fatherland, and, at once carrying 
this resolution into effect, withdrew far away into the wilds of 
the primeval forests, up to the broad valley of the Marranon, or 
Amazon river, to a region so distant that they hoped the pale 
faces would never venture to penetrate there. 

The vast plains of Paraguay, Parana, and Uruguay, thus 
remained abandoned to the other tribes, which had hitherto 
been in some measure dependent on the Tubinambas, to 
wit, the Apiatas and Cahivas, the Calchaquis and LuUes, 
the Frontones and Omacuguakas, as well as, before all of them, 
the Guayranas, who were more numerous than all the others 
put together. The latter fact must have directed the attention 
of the Jesuit missionaries to those in particular, and, further- 
more, they had the least wild character of the various tribes of 
redskins in Paraguay. On the one hand, it was found that 
they were not shut out from some kind of civilisation, as 
they lived in villages ruled over by hereditary Kaziken, or 
heads of clans, and existed almost entirely upon .corn and maize, 
which they planted, while the other tribes led a nomadic life, 
and shifted about from place to place, regarding the chase as 
the only employment worthy of man*s consideration. On the 
other hand, there lay upon them the reproach of want of warlike 
spirit, as well as deficiency in energy, and they tamely submitted, 
although filled in their inmost soul with the most intense hatred, 
as all over the Spanish commands they were made use of by 
the whites as nothing else than beasts of burden, and treated 
accordingly. Moreover, the number of the tribe who lived in 
Spanish territories was but small in comparison with the vast 
multitude of those who inhabited the interior, and who, as I 
have already mentioned, remained quite unknown to the 
Spaniards, and it may be afl&rmed with certainty that fully 
nine-tenths of the Guayranas had not as yet felt the burden 
of oppression ; but the anxiety caused by the prospect before 
them of soon being also subjected to this yoke, induced 



them to be all the more favourable towards the preaching of the 
Jesuits against Spanish tyranny. 

Such was the state of matters at this time in regard to the 
Guayranas in Paraguay, when the Jesuits came to the determina- 
tion of creating a government of their own, and it will con- 
sequently not astonish anyone as to how they succeeded in 
procuring an entrance for Christianity. Having thus so far 
proceeded^ they adopted the following plan of operation ; in the 
districts into which, up to this time, the Spaniards had not 
penetrated, they induced those who were scattered about in 
small villages to unite into large communities, which were called 
Bourgaden or Reductions, that is to say, communities that had 
been reduced into the Christian faith, and to each of these 
Reductions were assigned two spiritual shepherds, of whom 
one, a professed member of long standing in the Order, bore the 
title of pastor, or spiritual guide ; the other, in most instances 
a younger associate who had just arrived from Europe, being 
designated vicar. 

This was the arrangement, as we shall soon see, as to the 
foundation of their Christian Republic, or, if one would rather 
term it, of their theocratic State ; and this had such an innocent 
appearance that, at the commencement at least, it did not meet 
with any great opposition, either from the side of the Spaniards 
or that of the Guayranas. The sons of Loyola represented to the 
Indians that the several small communities which lay scattered 
about, many miles apart, were but ill-suited for protecting them- 
selves against the attacks of the Spaniards ; while if, on the 
other hand, they were collected together into Bourgaden, or 
townships, of 8,000 or 10,000 souls, they might readily keep off 
with ease the marauding white adventurers, and this naturally 
became clear to the understandings of the redskins. They had, 
further, no reason to object to the " spiritual shepherds," as they 
were in this way relieved from the supervision of the Kaziken and 
saperiurs under the title of Corregidors, or Alcaldes, and handed 
o?er to that of the spiritual guides. In other words, the Indians 
were enabled to select for themselves their own secular magistracy, 
as previously, and the Jesuits merely afhxed the stipulation that 
ill all the punishments awarded by them, or in ail weighty and 
important decisions, they must first of all obtain the sanction of 
iho said spiritual shepherds. And was this too much to require ? 



Ah! truly the good Padres treated them in such a fatherly 
and remarkably kind manner, that they therefore ought to be 
allowed the right of a father over his children. In addition to 
this, the Jesuits with perfect honesty represented the state of affairs 
to their great patron and friend Philip III., the King of Spain, 
that is to say, they explained to him and his high council for 
India, in several communications, that the chief obstacle to the 
speedy and permanent extension of Christianity in Paraguay 
and La Plata, arose entirely from the recently- arrived Spaniards 
being, without hardly a single exception, a set of haughty, arro- 
gant, cruel, avaricious, blasphemous, and thoroughly dissolute 
men, whence it happened that the natives could not do otherwise 
than entertain a disgust to Christianity itself, on account of the 
conduct of these bad Christians. Moreover, the Indians were 
maltreated in such a shameful manner by the royal governors 
and officials that, on that account, a thorough hatred had sprung 
up among them against everything of Spanish origin. For this 
reason, if it was desired that these poor creatures should be 
received into the bosom of the Church, they should be equally 
protected from the tyranny of the Governor and the bad example 
of the Spaniards, and these two desiderata could only be accom- 
plished by the Jesuits being permitted to carry out the long- 
considered plan for the creation in Paraguay of a Christian 

" In this said Christian Republic, no secular Governor may 
be allowed to have any control; but, on the other hand, the 
Indians belonging thereto should, among themselves in com- 
munity, be allowed to lead a quiet harmonious life, under the 
Jesuits, after the manner of the early Christians, so that a verit- 
able paradisiacal state of innocency might be established ; but, 
in order that no injury might thereby be occasioned to the 
King's power, all members of the Christian Republic were bound 
to recognise him as their supreme lord and master, and every 
adult must pay to him the tribute of one dollar." 

Such was the upright scheme that the Jesuits suggested to the 
King, Philip III., and as they were at that time almost all-powerful 
at the Court of Spain, not only was this proposition accepted by 
that King in the year 1609, but it was also confirmed in all its 
particulars later on, from the year 1649 to 1663, under the reign 
of Philip IV., notwithstanding that any sagacious statesman 


mighl well see how the Spanish King's authority was hy this 
CteittaaD Republic in Paraguay reduced to a mere sham. 

But ai that time the Councillors and Minister of the most 
Calholic court of the world were as if smitten with blindness, 
■ad it was onlj after the lapse of a century that the scales 
fill from their eyes. The first Reduction, which received the 
liolj name of Loretto, and was situated at the confluence of 
Pirmpe and the Parana, was founded in 1609, through the 
of Padres Maceta and Cataldino, who united into one 
oommonity somewhere about sixty small Guayrana vil- 
which were in existence thereabouts. Next after Loretto 
llm Bourgade of St. Ignatius, and subsequently a third 
and fourth, until at length, after the lapse of a couple of decades, 
tlieur number amounted to about thirty, with a population of 
kiiwn nine and ten thousand inhabitants. The internal 
Ofgankaiion of them all was the same — that is, they were 
gonerned each by a Jesuit Father, who was also supported by a 
wmmt as bit assistant, and for the purpose of espionage ; this 
FaHier, again, was under the orders of a superior, who was 
flaesd over a diocese of from five to six parishes; the super- 
VMMMI and management of these latter, however, rested with 
the ProTincial, residing in Assumption, who again received his 
üisrs direct from the General in Rome. 

One aees, then, that the Jesuits did not in any way proceed 
lo work without a plan, but that they were in possession of a 
Christian Republic as well if not better regulated than the 
f«iiinHMnt of any secular monarch. The Indians^ too, were not 
kaiUy off with this system of administration, as they were care- 
Mlf edacated as good citizens, and, moreover, were all accus- 
llMMd to take up some regular employment. " Idleness is the 
root of all Tioes," thought the Jesuit Fathers, and upon this 
fuinoiple they ruled the whole of their subjects, be their age or 
asB wliat it might, and they looked to their bodily constitution 
almost as much as to their aptitude and talent. Agriculture and 
ealtle- breeding naturally came first and foremost as a pursuit, 
and most of the adult men were thus employed in the fields; 
into their hands also the elder boys were confided ; to the women 
and girls, on the other hand, a certain quantity of flax and 
•mion was given out, which they had to spin within a certain 
prescribed time. Moreover, the difl'erent trades and arts were 



not neglected, and a Jesuit chronicle upon the state of affairs 
reports in the following words : — 

*' In regard to trades, we daily make further progress, and our 
population becomes always more and more useful. After teach- 
ing them the arts of making bricks and burning lime, we build 
the most beautiful churches and houses, and our carpenters and 
glaziers know very well how to ornament them internally. Others 
spin the finest yarns, and weave therefrom the most beautiful 
cloths and quilts. Some, again, manufacture hats, and employ 
themselves in shoe-making, or any other like occupation. Even 
in the weaving of lace they are expert, and when we require in 
particular fine and broad priestly albs, the women manufacture 
them after a certain pattern with such skill difference 
could be detected between the copy and the original. One man 
made an organ after an European pattern, and finished it off in 
so perfect a manner that I was truly amazed. Another has 
indited a missal so accurately, after the beautiful Antovfer edition, 
that the manuscript might pass for a printed copy. They manu- 
facture trumpets, also, and all descriptions of musical instru- 
ments. They make the most perfect clocks, and watches for the 
pocket, and they paint them in a way that leaves nothing to be 
desired. In a word, they can copy anything that we desire 
them to do, and show themselves, also, to be equally as teach- 
able as they are diligent as soon as we set them to any par- 
ticular kind of work."* 

There can. therefore, seeing all this, be no question that 
the Indians, under the rule of the Jesuits, were moulded into 
thoroughly capable and useful men ; and, in regard to this, 
one certainly cannot withhold ones admiration from the 
Society of Jesus. But now comes the dark side, which, to 
a great extent, counterbalanced the bright side of the matter. 
The Indians, so far as concerns spiritual affairs, were kept in a 
degree of the profoundest ignorance, and their religion simply 
consisted in the grossest superstition, whereby the Jesuits 
represented themselves to be the oracles of God-this same 
Deity, however, being for the white Padres alone, who formed a 
superior class of beings ; and, on that account, the Guayranas 

• All «lis i8 to be found, word for word, in the History of Paraguay. 
by Fratz Xaver de Charlevoix, part u. (preface), p. 3, 4. 



might well see how the Spanish King's authority was by this 
Christian Bepablic in Paraguay reduced to a mere sham. 

Bat at that time the Conncillors and Minister of the most 
Catholic court of the world were as if smitten with blindness, 
and it was only after the lapse of a century that the scales 
fell from their eyes. The first Beduction, which received the 
holy name of Loretto, and was situated at the confluence of 
the Pirape and the Parana, was founded in 1609, through the 
exertions of Padres Maceta and Cataldino, who united into one 
small community somewhere about sixty small Guayrana vil- 
lages which were in existence thereabouts. Next after Loretto 
came the Bourgade of St. Ignatius, and subsequently a third 
and fourth, until at length, after the lapse of a couple of decades, 
their number amounted to about thirty, with a population of 
between nine and ten thousand inhabitants. The internal 
organisation of them all was the same — that is, they were 
governed each by a Jesuit Father, who was also supported by a 
vicar as his assistant, and for the purpose of espionage ; this 
Father, again, was under the orders of a superior, who was 
placed over a diocese of from üye to six parishes; the super- 
vision and management of these latter, however, rested with 
the Provincial, residing in Assumption, who again received his 
orders direct from the General in Home. 

One sees, then, that the Jesuits did not in any way proceed 
to work without a plan, but that they were in possession of a 
Christian Bepublic as well if not better regulated than the 
government of any secular monarch. The Indians^ too, were not 
badly off with this system of administration, as they were care- 
fully educated as good citizens, and, moreover, were all accus- 
tomed to take up some regular employment. '* Idleness is the 
root of all vices," thought the Jesuit Fathers, and upon this 
principle they ruled the whole of their subjects, be their age or 
sex what it might, and they looked to their bodily constitution 
almost as much as to their aptitude and talent. Agriculture and 
cattle-breeding naturally came first and foremost as a pursuit, 
and most of the adult men were thus employed in the fields; 
into their hands also the elder boys were confided ; to the women 
and girls, on the other hand, a certain quantity of flax and 
cotton was given out, which they had to spin within a certain 
prescribed time. Moreover, the different trades and arts were 



not neglected, and a Jesuit chronicle upon the state of affairs 
reports in the following words : — 

" In regard to trades, we daily make further pro^rress, and onr 
population becomes always more and more useful. After teach- 
ing them the arts of making bricks and burning lime, we build 
the most beautiful churches and houses, and our carpenters and 
glaziers know very well how to ornament them internally. Others 
spin the finest yams, and weave therefrom the most beautiful 
cloths and quilts. Some, again, manufacture hats, and employ 
themselves in shoe-making, or any other like occupation. Even 
in the weaving of lace they are expert, and when we require m 
particular fine and broad priestly albs, the women manufacture 
them after a certain pattern with such skill that no difference 
could be detected between the copy and the original. One man 
made an organ after an European pattern, and finished it off in 
so perfect a manner that I was truly amazed. Another has 
indited a missal so accurately, after the beautiful Antovfer edition, 
that the manuscript might pass for a printed copy. They manu- 
facture trumpets, also, and all descriptions of musical instru- 
ments They make the most perfect clocks, and watches for the 
pocket, and they paint them in a way that leaves nothing to be 
desired. In a word, they can copy anything that we desire 
them to do, and show themselves, also, to be equally as teach- 
able as they are diligent as soon as we set them to any par- 

ticular kind of work."* 

There can. therefore, seeing all this, be no question that 
the Indians, under the rule of the Jesuits, were moulded into 
thoroughly capable and useful men ; and, in regard to this, 
one certainly cannot withhold one's admiration from the 
Society of Jesus. But now comes the dark side, which, to 
a ^eat extent, counterbalanced the bright side of the matter. 
The Indians, so far as concerns spiritual affairs, were kept in a 
degree of the profoundest ignorance, and their religion simply 
consisted in the grossest superstition, whereby the Jesuits 
represented themselves to be the oracles of God-this same 
Deity, however, being for the white Padres alone, who formed a 
superior class of beings ; and, on that account, the Guayranas 

• AU this iB to be found, word for word, ^^^^\^^''^ «/ ^«~^y» 
by Fraiiz Xaver de Charlevoix, part u. (prefaoe), p. 8, 4. 



were obliged, under a severe penalty, to regard tbe so-called 
" superior beings," namely, tbe Jesuits, witb the most profound 
respect — with such respect, indeed, that they were compelled 
to receive orders from them in a kneeling posture, and it was 
held to be a high honour to be allowed to kiss the sleeves or 
hem of the holy Fathers' garments. From such spiritual child- 
hood, however, the Guayranas were never to be emancipated, and 
the chief means of accomplishing their thraldom was by fear 
and intimidation. For this reason all the churches were orna- 
mented with holy pictures of the most extraordinary description, 
and with statues of truly gigantic proportions, of frightful 
aspect and threatening gesture. These figures, also, were fur- 
nished with movable limbs and rolling eyes, all of which filled 
the poor Indians with mortal terror ; and such crazy nonsense as 
this was called by the Jesuits Christianity ! As in this manner 
spiritual liberty was suppressed, even so also was political and 
social freedom kept under subjection. Not any one of the 
Jesuit subjects might for a moment think of raising himself, by 
his talent, energy, or industry, to a higher place in the social 
grade than that of his fellows, but he continued to be a mere 
machine in the hands of the Fathers, who assigned this or that 
employment to each according to their will and pleasure. Like- 
wise, also, there existed in the Guayranian Republic no rights of 
property whatever, not even of the smallest description ; no true 
communism was, therefore, by any means actually created. On 
the contrary, every day all the produce of agriculture and other 
industries was delivered into the hands of the Jesuits, to be 
deposited in their store-houses, and in return for this the Indians 
were merely provided with what was absolutely necessary for 
their daily sustenance. One might well say, then, that the poor 
subjects of the Jesuits were nothing better than slaves— and 
slaves, truly, in the fullest acceptation of the term ; but this 
bondage was so uncommonly enveloped in sugar, and exercised 
with such a degree of fatherly benevolence, that the Guayranas, 
in their simplicity, desired nothing better. Almost every 
evening there was a lively dance to the music of a well-instructed 
band, played by the natives, and the severest labour in the 
field was at once lightened by the sound of trumpets and fifes 
taken along with them, whilst, on Sundays and festivals, as well 
in the churches as out of them, the most lively dances and 'plays 



were the order of the day.* There was thus no lack of enjoy* 
ment, but only such kind of amusement was permitted as was 
calculated to leave the Indians in a state of childhood and sim- 
plicity, and none was ever allowed by which they might develop 
into thinking human beings. On these very grounds great care 
was taken never to allow any European to set his foot in any 
of these Jesuit Reductions, as what could more be feared than 
the pestilential expose which might be made by any such 
stranger? And more especially the Spaniards were denied 
an entrance into these Jesuit territories, and on this account 
the Indians were encouraged to resist by force any attempted 
intrusion of such visitors, that is to say, all such were turned 
out of the domain by strength of arms. The Guayranas, with 
all alacrity, rendered implicit obedience to such appeals as wer» 
made to them'of this nature, as the Jesuits had instilled the 
belief into their minds that the Spaniards only came there to take 
possession of their territories, and to exact the same statute 
labour from them by which so many thousands of their brethren 
had been destroyed, owing to over- work. To prevent effectually, 
however, the approach of any stranger amongst the Guayranas, the 

• The Jesuit Father Charlevoix verbally states as follows in his report on 
this subject : — " It ia an old custom in Spain that on fete days dances should 
be conducted by children. The missionaries adopted this laudable custom, 
and by means of it introduced a system of inducing the heathen to come 
into their churches. With this object I therefore selected four and twenty 
of those best suited to carry it out, and in this manner devoted such days 
to great enjoyment and general edification. At one time they performed 
such dances in the most approved way, at another they joined in plays of a 
knight-errant description, partly on horseback and partly on foot. At one 
time they danced upon stilts six ells in height, at another upon ropes ; or 
they would run at a small ring with lances. On another occasion I caused 
them to perform small comedies, all of which, although after great trouble 
to myself, were driven into their thick heads and elegantly represented." 
Another report upon the operations of one of the Keductions runs as 
follows: — "After this (namely, after the inspection of the school) I go 
among the musicians and listen to their melodies ; first to the baritones, of 
whom I have eight ; the altos, next in order, of whom there are six ; tenors, 
too, without number ; but of basses, however, only six. After these, four 
trumpeters, eight horns, and four cornets perform their exercises. I then 
instruct the harpists, of whom there are six, and the organists, of whom 
four ; and, lastly, the flautists, of whom only one. I now took in hand the 
dancers, and taught them all such dances as occur in comedies. It is of the 
greatest consequence to attract unbelievers in this way with things of this 
nature, and by the splendid ceremonies of the Church to create an internal 
inclination in favour of the Christian religion, on which account small 
booths are beautifully decorated on all festival days after vespers, and, 
before high mass, dances are conducted in the church where all are 
assembled. We also find great advantage from the official processions, just 
as it happened in olden days before the Venerabile, in the times when 
David danced before the Ark of the Covenant." (See Charlevoix, vol. ii., 
p. 7, 8, 21, preface.) 





only language which was taught in their schools was the Guay- 
rana, and hy this means the comprehension of all other tongues 
was nipped in the hud. Indeed, the Jesuits even went so far 
as to form, in every Reduction or Bourgade (horough), an armed 
force, consisting of cavalry as well as infantry; and by means of 
these troops, well armed and drilled as they were, besides being 
also provided with artillery, they could easily get the better 
of any foreign attempt at intrusion, even when made by force, 
without the boundaries of the Christian Republic in Paraguay. 
They soon, indeed, succeeded in extending even their own original 
domains far across the borders of the province of Guayra, so that 
in a short time their possessions comprehended all the countries 
to the right and left of Paraguay, even as far as Brazil; but no 
information, or, at least, very uncertain news, respecting their 
enormous possessions was allowed to reach Europe, as the country 
was, so to speak, hermetically sealed, and even the Court of 
Madrid, although the King was recognised by them as nominal 
Lord Paramount of Paraguay, was kept in ignorance of all 
details concerning the proceedings of the Jesuits. I say, em- 
phatically, nominal; as never, from the year 1609 up to the 
middle of the 18th century, had the King exercised any kind 
of authority whatsoever in that Republic ; and even the head- 
money, that the Jesuits had contracted to pay annually to the 
kings of Spain, came in so sparingly that it might be well 
supposed to have been derived from only some thirty or forty 
thousand subjects, instead of from at least ten times that number. 
Still, notwithstanding the excessive power to which the Order 
of Jesus attained in Southern America, and even the unbounded 
dominion that placed the General of the Jesuits in Rome on a 
par with the mightiest monarchs in the world, the reader will 
learn in the fourth, fifth, and sixth books of this work the prin- 
cipal causes which led to the downfall of this much-dreaded 
Society in these parts of the globe. 

Thus much for the Jesuit missions in the distant regions of 
the world, or, rather, concerning the gigantic growth of the 
Society of Jesus in Asia, Africa, and America. 





In the preceding chapter I have described in what way, by what 
means, and with what results the sons of Loyola contrived to 
spread themselves throughout Asia, Africa, and America. It 
was otherwise, however, in regard to their extension in Europe, 
as in this instance they had to deal with professing Chnstians. 
and had not to trouble themselves so much with the conversion 
of unbelievers. Thev were, at least, unable to establish their 
power under that insignia. On this account they at once blotted 
out this motto on their banner, and in its place wrote m large 
capital letters. Extension and Re-establishment of the True 
Faith that is, of the Roman Catholic religion, with the Papacy 
at its head. Was not this faith, as I have shown in the first 
book, in so many places most profoundly shaken, and was there 
not immediate danger of the great Pontiff himself being soon 
bodily hurled from the almighty throne upon which he had 
previously sat, and ousted from his hitherto most faithful pro- 
vinces ? ■ In what manner, then, and by what means, did the 
Jesuits now succeed in their object under the motto that they 
displayed intended for Europe ? It was everywhere, indeed, by the 
same means and in the same way, namely, by the establishment 
of educational institutions, by seizure of the confessional stools 
of kings, by fighting with heresy, by the incorporation of the 
most powerful forces into their Order, as also by their fanatical 
influence on the great mass of the people. As regards the 




founding of educational institutions, their method of procedure 
was as follows : They entered into a town by twos and threes, 
not, indeed, on horseback, or in a carriage, richly and ex- 
pensively attired, but, on the contrary, on foot, and without 
shoes and stockings, in mean clothing, and with such a miser- 
able appearance that it was impossible to refuse to give them 
alms. It was thus that their exampler Ignatius had first 
made his appearance, and it was thus also that they pre- 
sented themselves in public. They did not alight at inns, or at 
the houses of the rich, even when pressingly invited. No ; on 
the contrary, they made their way to the hospital or the poor- 
house, considering these, the most miserable quarters, to be but 
too good, indeed, for them ; they tended the sick, especially 
those whom no one else would approach on account of the con- 
tagious character of their diseases, and discharged offices of 
the most menial kind, as if the humility of servants became 
them. They, at the same time, did not delay in at once attach- 
ing to themselves some children of the poor, teaching them to 
read and write, as well as instructing them in the first principles 
of the Roman Catholic religion. For this instruction they 
demanded no return, not even the very slightest, knowing full 
well that gratuitous teaching formed the great power of attrac- 
tion for the poor people to induce them to entrust their children 
to their care. Soon everyone throughout the whole town began 
to speak of them, and to sing their praises, and the number of 
their young pupils increased to such an extent that the room 
where they afforded this instruction became much too small 
for the purpose. **We would willingly, now," said the good 
Fathers, ** receive more children, had we only more room," and 
this equally pious as modest wish stirred up the hearts of the 
people who were rich, to such a pitch that they purchased a 
small house for the devout instructors, in order to carry on their 
school therein. Naturally enough, the number of the scholars 
DOW went on continually increasing, and thus it became neces- 
sary for more Jesuit Fathers to come forward in order to satisfy 
the demands made upon them. They could not well refuse 
to receive the children of the richer classes of the communitv, 
and those of higher consideration ; consequently, the subjects 
for instruction still continued to extend beyond those required 
merely for the poor and persons of low degree. But apart 


from this, even what was taught enticed always more and 
more scholars to come to them, and the small house became 
presently quite insufficient for their purpose. Those inhabitants 
of the town who were in good circumstances continued to render 
assistance to them, and after a year, or, at the most, a couple 
of years, the pious Fathers were enabled to erect a college which, 
in regard to its external appearance, had more resemblance to a 
palace than to an educational institution. 

This was the usual course of things, and when once the college 
was founded the Jesuits naturally had the game all in their own 
hands, as, for the most part, the whole youth of the population 
flocked to them for education. For, to attain their object, they 
usually formed in their college three classes, or grades, of in- 
struction : first of all, the elementary school, then the middle 
school, and, lastly, the higher school. In the elementary school 
was taught merely the primary groundwork, reading, writing, 
and, to a certain extent, accounts, but more especially the Faith, 
that is to say, strict obedience to the teaching and practices of 
the Roman Catholic Church, as well as abhorrence of all here- 
tical innovations. In the middle school were placed those who 
were destined to be instructed ordinarily during a period of nine 
years in the Greek and Latin grammar, and then advanced to a 
two-years' course of rhetoric ; but religious instruction was here, 
again, the principal topic, and each of the pupils was imbued 
with a veneration for the Papacy and Catholic priesthood, as 
well as with hatred against all recreants and heretics,— salient 
characteristics of the Roman Catholic faith. In the high school 
the students received a finishing stroke to their studies, during 
a three-years' course of philosophy, or, more properly speaking, 
of logic and metaphysics, followed by a four-years' course of 
theology, regarded by them as the absolute queen of all sciences. 
As regards medicine and jurisprudence, the sons of Loyola did 
not usually meddle ; but what they regarded as of transcendent 
importance when they were destined to the priesthood, was 
readiness in making use of their tongues, as well as dexterous 
behaviour on being taken suddenly by surprise. 

The reader must now, then, readily admit, when things were 
so far advanced, that the Jesuits must have obtained an enormous 
influence over the Catholic community in Europe by the esta- 
blishment of their educational institutions. In religious matters 

10 ♦ 



they taught, indeed, all who were educated hy them, whether lay 
or ecclesiastical, just exactly what suited them, and nothiug 
else; and, afterwards, laymen as well as ecclesiastics worked in 
their avocations according to their spirit. Not the less effectual 
for the dominion of the Jesuits in Europe was the acquisition hy 
them of the confessional stools of kinprs, and none of the other 
Orders that ever existed, or all the ordinary priesthood put to- 
gether, effected such great results in this direction as the cele- 
hrated Society of Jesus. The institution of confession, concerning 
which Christ himself does not say a single word, was first of all 
estahlished in the 2nd or 3rd century of the Christian era, hy the 
puhlic confession of sins heing exacted from those who wished to 
he allowed readmittance into the Church, from which they had 
heen expelled on account of the more grievous description of 
transgressions ; hut it was not till the 5th century, under the 
reign of Pope Leo the Great, that secret confession to priests 
was declared to he indispensable for the forgiveness of sins, 
while private oral confession was legally sanctioned hy In- 
nocent III. in the year 1215. The Father Confessor, at 
the commencement, was, as may he readily understood, the 
parson of the community for the time heing, and the greatest 
of earthly beings knew no other, hut had to confess to him, as 
other Christians did, in the public Church. At the end of the 
6th century, on the other hand, there existed in the palace of 
the Emperor of Constantinople a special chapel with a special 
confessional stool, as it was held by their Majesties not to 
be respectable for them to acknowledge their sins in one and 
the same place as that where their subjects repaired, and this 
invention of the Court of Constantinople was forthwith imitated 
by all the other monarchs of the world. 

When once, then, a Court chapel was instituted, it followed, as 
a matter of course, that a Court chaplain should not be wanting ; 
and we find, therefore, such-like priests as early as the time 
of the French kings Childebert and Clothaire. These said 
priests belonged originally to the secular priesthood : with 
the introduction, however, of the monkish Orders, many of 
the cowl-wearers were to be found among the spiritual advisers 
of ruling princes and great lords. These offices were more 
especially filled by Benedictine monks. In this way did the 
holy Bertin come to perform the office of Father Confessor to 


Count Valbert of Flanders ; thus also did Martin, a monk in 
Cornez, officiate as Coui-t chaplain lu Uliarles Martel ; as also in a 
similar manner did Benedict of Aniane act as soul-councillor of 
Louis the Pious. Later on, the barons and nobles of the times 
proceeded to follow the customs of the Court, and also built for 
themselves their own particular chapels; while the begging 
monks, especially the Franciscans, came to be very favourite 
Father Confessors among them, probably from the circumstance 
of their being procurable at a cheap rate. In king's courts, 
however, the Dominicans were all the fashion, and certainly not 
to the detriment of their Order. Still there always were, at the 
same time, many of the ordinary priesthood who aspired to be 
the soul-councillors of princes, and it cannot in any way be 
affirmed that the monkish Orders laid claim to a monopoly 
of the business of Father Confessorships to the higher classes 
of the community. It was a very different matter, however, 
when the Order of the Jesuits came into existence, for hardly 
had the sect been fairly established when at once everyone 
about the Court who had anything to do in regard to such posts 
was solicited to use his influence for this Order; and the 
remaining Orders might contend against them as much as they 
were able, the latter were certain to be outflanked and com- 
pletely over-ridden. It would be a very great error to suppose 
that this was effected by individual Jesuits alone, who had 
succeeded in ingratiating themselves at particular Courts. No, 
emphatically no ; it was all regularly planned on a peculiar 
system. Even Loyola himself had vehemently taken to task 
Jacob Miro, who wished to refuse the proposal of John 
HI. of Portugal to be his Father Confessor, on the plea 
that such places were not at ail suited for an Order whose 
calling it was to frequent hospitals and devote itself to the 
instruction of youth sunk in the deepest state of poverty. 

** The atmosphere of Courts," wrote the General to his sub- 
ordinate, *' might not prove to be so dangerous, and zeal might 
weil be shown for tliC welfare of the souls of men in hospitals 
and in the galleys and prisons, without on that account there 
being any necessity for shunning the Courts. On the contrary, 
kings required good priests for their guidance all the more from 
the circumstance that they had many more allurements to sin 
than ordinary mortals, and on that account it was his wish that 



it should fall to the lot of a .nembcr of the Society of Jesus to 
be the Father Coufessor of a kiug." 

This order of Loyola ^vas now carried out so f ^f """)' ^^ 
henceforth no Jesuit perpetrated the pious folly ol Jacob Mo 
and it did not by any n.eans satisfy his successors .« he oU e 
of Geucral to be conlouled with a solitary post, but, on t e 
other hand, dueetious .ore in future for.ually g.yen to .ueu.b us 
of the Order to seize upon the consciences ol kiugs, «ud a dis 
tinct regulation ^va3 made, to ^vhich those chosen to act as 
Father Coulessors had to adlicro. 

•■The chief aim --thus runs the order-" of all our ellort 
ouRht to be to procure the coulidence and favour of princes and 
Jn in places of distinction, to the cud that no one ...ight dare 
to oüer opposition to us, but, on the contrary, that all should 

be subject to us." . ivui. 

Is not this, then, expressed sullieienlly distinctly ? \\ «Ui 
cnual clearness are the Nvays and uicaus also indicated, by 
following which the favour of rulers «as to be obtained: 

•< The favourites of princes, high and low, female as well as 
male, must be put under obligation through presents, Unitery, 
and favours of all description, so that they may intercede lor 
us with their masters, and give us correct iuformal.on as to the 
characters and inclinations of the latter. On the other hand, 
however, all servants who have shown themselves to Le in any 
way adverse to the Order, should by all manner of means be 
removed from the surrounding ol the mouarchs aud their 
councillors, or be gained over to our side by great promises." 

Moreover, as a matter of course, it was clearly lor the advan- 
tage of the Jesuits that they should not ouly gain the ear of the 
princes, but also, in accordance with the above instructions, be 
equally' zealous in doing the same in respect to the princesses; 
the chief aim and object being thus to gain their favour, it was 
well worth while to bribe the ehamber-women, " as through ihem 
access may be obtained to the most important family secrets." 

The document in (juestiou shows not less chaiacterislic- 
ally how, when favour has once been successluUy gained, it is 
to be retained. " This may best be elfected iu this way— by 
laying a cushion under the arms of the sinner, according to the 
Prophet Ezekiel (chap. xiii. 18) ;" m other words, not to 
oppear to observe thuir objectionable proceedings, and, when it 


\ \ h 

t . 

■ \ 

! 1 




.IP'- V * 


becomes really uecessury to make any remarks about these, ii<jt 
to make absolution (lillieuit. 

"The conscience of a ruler must bo cleared without uuy 
ceremony, especially when this has been refused to be dono by 
other ecclesiastics ; by this means the princes nniy abnndnn 
our rivals, und become wholly dependent on (»ur c<Hi!icils :iiid 
guidance. In short, thcj Jesuit Order looks upon it as llnir 
highest aim and ohject to seize upon the place ol" Father Con- 
fessor at all the dill'ereut Courts aud among all persons of 
distinction, well knowing that enormous power lies hidden 
therein ; at the same time the making publicly known of this 
earnest striving alter power must be carefully avoided, especially 
as regards those princes who operate somewhat beuelicially by 
their worldly might. Assurance must often and earnestly be 
given," proceeds this same above-cited document, " that it is n<'t. 
sought in any way to interfere with the ail'airs of the State, and 
it is recommended to those who might be pleased to see them- 
selves at the rudder not to make it evident that they are maui- 
festly in that position. This ought rather to be elleeted through 
means of some trusted third party, that^ then the opinion 
ol the ruler's Father Confessor might be asked ; when by 
this means all appearance of direct interference is avoided, 
then will be the reality of the inlluence all the more effectually 


After all this, can there be any further evidence required in 
order to prove that the Jesuits strove by every means in thi;ir 
power to obtain the monopoly of the royal confessionals, ami 
that shortly after the institution of the Order they did actually 
contrive to acquire possession of them, regarding this as the 
great lever of their influence V 

A third mode of lirmly planting their dominion in Europe, 
was by their perseverance, courage, aud skill in combating 
heresy, and more especially that of Luther and Calvin, well 
knowing that they in this manner rendered themselves absolutely 
indispensable for the defence of the Catholic faith. 

Whenever, in Germany or other countries, religious dis- 
putations, during some dozens of years, took place, did not the 
Jesuits sustain the principal part? Wherever there happened 
to be any kind of Church assemblage, or when an Imperial diet 
was held, was it not that the sons of Loyola were always iu 



,.,uis.uou as indispeusabU- It couUl -^^ " J f ' J \1 

io those days well kno.u ü.o ^-''J ^''^ J^ ,,, jvom 

l.,otostautism had spn.u, .uto ^-^^^-'^^^^ l^ i .lonu.aion. 
being up to a hi,h su.u.iavd as >oya.cU 1-- 'o ' ,_^ 

aud ouUure ! .hüst the Je.nt., on '";;^ J" 'ji^p^uuiou. 
brought up in their colleges -^l^^'^'^^^' ". '^ ^ .^„1 bo .ith 
so much so as to be able to cope even h the O ^^^^^^ 

us- ones. -.S-'^^^"-^, '^^ ^ Ltho .orid 
means they slew their ; and by no "- ^'^"ul scale, as 
,as the art of caluu.oiat.ou praetjsed on «-^^ '^^ ^^^^^^^^^^^ 
.ell as artificial perversion, and, indeed ^»-"f^ \ ^„, 


L to be read verbaUin in a Jesuit report «hich was given 

'T.ta^tt .":;;.« mention of this hellish monster hy name. 

this tSr to the Catholic religion, this fugitive from the 
this traitor to ^^.^^^j^ ^^^^^^ 

Mnimcr this restorer ol all Heresy, mis m^ 
üod and man. He died in tlie eighteenth year of Ins tail, alter 
b^lrber:; fearfully intoxicated in V^^-^J^^^^'. 
Sien, as was his custom, he had there made a ^^ « ^ ^'^^ 
so hi: vile spirit became a ^^^^^f - .^^"^ . °' f !f '"'' ^^'" 

wafnoE but a bare-taced untruth, and the Jesuits themselves 
: e Sse well aware that it was «o ; but against heretics 
Iccordiug to their principles, all means were allowable and it 
Is V U done to spread abroad the very meanest ol calumnies 
lovdtd it was only possible to obtain credence for t em with 
Te multitude. 1 am compelled by truth to add. too, that they 
made use of similar wicked and morally exceptionable art.hces. 
Bot alone among the illiterate mass of the people, but also 
among the higher classes; and especially they contrived 
to persuade and talk over the Catholic monarchs. m such a 
manner as to make them believe that all revolutionary lermentu- 







tions and disturbances among their subjects arose only tVotii 
the spirit of heresy. lu this manner, indeed, the JcbUits 
wished to make it appear that they ah)ne were to be regarded 
as the saviours and pilhirs of the monarchies, and to be trcaud 
accordingly, as they were also always at warfare with heiN'sy, 
and never gave in so as to render it possible for peace lo Ur. 
concluded between the contending parties. 

A fourth means by which the Order of Jesuits knew how to 
raise its power to an important height, lay in the art they pos- 
ftessed of gaining over to their side the best heads of the iStato, 
either in iact, as regular and professed members of the Society, 
or as atMliated and secret members. As regards the lirst ciahs, 
there existed, as we know, in the colleges, youths ol all condi- 
tions, and in their education the best opportunity was aüorded 
for discovering the most conspicuous talents; having liius 
'- found out those who were best litted to become useful sub- 
jects for the Order, their object was to entice them over for 
tlieir-purposes. Had not everyone, especially when still young, 
some more or less v/eak point in his character which migiit be 
fastened upon ? and no Father was assuredly selected as rector 
of a college who had not distinguished himself by a thorough 
knowledge of human nature, as well as the faculty ol attracting 
to himself the youths under his tuition, in matter of fact it was 
80 brought about, that those young men whom it might be 
wished to make novices were so trained, by this means or that, 
that they themselves solicited admission into the Ord«;r, and 
the only obstacle to this plan was that the parents of the young 
men frequently withheld their consent strenuously to such a btep; 
this diüiculty was, however, olten got over by causing such 
scholars to disappear from the scene, while they were bruught 
again into some far distant college. They were there, necessarily, 
received under an entirely dilferent name, in order to obhie- 
rate all trace of their birth; and by this means, and other 
cunning and forcible devices and measures, the opposing parents, 
when they even belonged to the richer and higher classes of 
society, were successfully prevented from snatching their sons 
out of the Jesuit novitiate. Do whatever they would, the Order 
retained the youth as belonging to itself, even when an appeal 
was made for aid to the highest courts of law, the reigning 
Bovereigns, or even, indeed, the Jb'ope liimself. It retained them 



and brought them up in its own ideas, considering that such 
members would afterwards be ot the greatest use to the fraternity. 
The so-called afüliated or secret members were almost of still 
greater importance — those, namely, who had bound themselves by 
only a single vow, that is to say, to render to the Society of 
Jesus with true devotion all services that might be demanded 
of them, and who on that account were allowed to continue to 
live as people of the world, in the same station and sphere as 
had been their wont. Those, for the most part, were men of high 
rank, who would have lost situations as councillors or ministers 
to princeö had they formally and openly joined the Jesuit Order; 
and herein is seen a great advantage, as such persons, while 
retaining their former occupations, when they worshipped in the 
profess-houses might, on receiving a formal dispensation from 
the General, deny openly their secret admission into the Society 
of Jesus. Further than this, they might even outwardly make 
themselves appear to be the enemies of the Order, so as to be 
enabled all the more surely to spy into matters with which 
they wished to become acquainted, and on that account there 
existed affiliated Jesuits even in the Protestant camp itself. 
Still no one, of course, was aware of their existence there, 
except the Provincial of the district for the time being, as also 
the General of the Order in Home, and the sole private mark by 
which they might be recognised consisted in a scapular which 
they wore next their naked breasts, on which was imprinted the 
letters I. U. S. 

The fifth mode by which the Jesuits gained admission all 
over Europe, was not be sought among the cultivated classes, 
but, on the contrary, among the profanum vulgus, and consisted 
in a sort of fanaticism into which the pious fathers knew how to 
work themselves. Thus it was not at all uncommon for two 
or three of them to be found running through the ;streets by 
night or day in a half-naked condition, bawling out loudly that 
owing to the sins of mankind the end of all things was at hand, 
on which account they flogged themselves with whips so unmer* 
cifully that streams of blood flowed from their bodies. As a 
matter of course, when such a spectacle was enacted, it was sure 
to collect a great crowd about them» and while at first some people 
laughed at their proceedings, and many from disgust turned 
away iiom th^m disdainfully, this disposition at length gave 


way to another feeling, namely to that of astonishment, if not, 
indeed, of admiration. The Padres flogged and chasused their 
bodies to such an extent that even a stone might have pitied 
them; should they not, then, be looked upon as holy 
saints? They, indeed, transgressed all laws of propriety in 
exhibiting themselves in this half-naked condition, and one often 
felt inclined to give them a kick, in order to make them under- 
stand this ; but on being thus treated, they would at once, in 
the most humble manner, express themselves thankful for the 
well-deserved punishment, and thereupon present both of their 
cheeks to the chastiser for fresh blows to be given them. 
But enough of these silly and ecstatic follies of the Jesuits, 
which were not, indeed, without effect; the more so that 
their proceedings became contagious, to an extent that whole 
troops of people ran after them, similarly tioggiug themselves 
and calling out, " Alas, the sinners! Aias, the great sinful cityl" 
Such were the means adopted by the Jesuits for establishing 
themselves as a great power in the Catholic countries of Europe ; 
and having now analysed all appertaining thereto, I proceed to 
enter upon the subject more in detail. 

I. — Powerful Influence of the Jesuits in Italy. 

The Papal Court of Paul 111. in Bome gave to the founda- 
tion of the Jesuit Order, as we have already seen, its approval 
simply on this account, that Ignatius Loyola promised that all 
his exertions, and those of his associates, should be directed 
towards defending and upholding the rights of His Holiness, 
and re-establishing everywhere the then depressed interests of 
Bome. Ignatius Loyola kept to his word, and on that account 
gained from Paul lil. himself, as well as Irom his successors, 
the greatest privileges and favours. The Popes who followed 
him thought and acted in a similar manner; and how, 
indeed, could they have done diflerently, as the sons of 
Loyola, for nearly 100 years, fulfilled, or, at any rate, appeared 
to fuJfil, the promise of their founder ? But in what respect did 
they carry out this pledge? Who, for example, was it that 
defended at the Council of Trent, with the greatest zeal, those 
assumptions and abuses of the Papacy which even good Catholic 
historians designate as being ** extravagant " ? Was it not the 



Jesuits Laynez, Salmeron, and Couvillon ? Who was it that 
resisted with such skill those ideas of relorm in Church matters 
80 unanimously demanded by everyone, and of abuses which 
caused the Koman Chair to be looked upon everywhere with 
horror, but they alone, and always they ? Who was it that 
supported before the Congress of Poissy, as well as in all other 
places in which it was in question, the unlimited omnipotence 
of the Pope, and placed it above even all other common councils ? 
Who was it that, with similar energy, defended it with such 
eloquence and such success as the members of the Society of 
Jesus ? It having thus acted, would not the Popes have exhibited 
the greatest ingratitude had they not done everything that 
possibly lay in their power towards the elevation of the Order, 
and the furtherance of the extension of its colleges, seminaries, 
residences, novitiates, and all its other houses? Would not 
the Popes, indeed, have been considered to blame had they 
acted otherwise ? as they certainly would not have understood 
what was evidently for their advantage. 

" One hand washes the other," is an old saying, and, not the 
less true, " Live and let live." Both of these proverbs were, as 
a rule, observed by the Popes, and thus it came about that after 
the death of Pius V., in the year 1572, the Order was already 
in possession of tive houses or estabhshments of some kind in 
Home. Gregory XIII., the successor of the above-mentioned 
Pope, was, again, still more liberal towards them, as he pre- 
sented them with no less than twenty-five tons (?) of gold, in 
order to enable them to erect a still more splendid college than 
that which they already possessed, and, through his example, 
many great and rich people were induced to accord their favour 
to the Order. It came to this, in short, that, within the space 
of a few decades, the Jesuits possessed within their province of 
Kome (including the state of Tuscany), a profess-house (in 
Home itself), two profess-houses or novitiates (in Borne and 
Plorence), six residences, besides not fewer than thirty-four 
colleges and seminaries ; and their possessions throughout the 
other parts of Italy were in much the same proportion. Thus, 
for example, in the province of Milan they could boast of the 
possession of two profess-houses (those of Milan and Genoa), 
three novitiates (those of Genoa, Arona, and Chiara), besides 
sixteen colleges and six residences; then^ in the province of 


Naples they had one profess-house (that of Naples), two novi- 
tiates (those of Naples and Atri), one residence and twenty-six 
colleges : in the province of Sicily they possessed two profess- 
houses and novitiates (each at Palermo and Messina), ten 
seminaries, and twelve collesres ; and, lastly, in the "province of 
Sardinia, or Savoy," they owned two profess-houses (those of 
Saffari and Cagliari), one novitiate (that of Cagliari). besides 
six colleges. Who, then, could now affirm that the Order had 
not come to be a great power in Italy ? The Fathers did 
not, indeed, shrink from knocking at all the doors that they 
thought might be opened to them, and if they failed at first 
they returned again a second and third time. They especially 
desired to operate upon the masses, and succeeded only too weli, 
as, in those days, the poorer classes" among the Italian people 
were still in a state of great ignorance and superstition, as well 
as being very sensitive and excitable, especially in southern 
Italy. The Jesuits caused, for instance, an enormous dis- 
turbance amongst the inhabitants of Gaeta and its environs, as, 
accompanied with masks, they ran about the streets in despair,' 
the upper parts of their bodies being naked, while, with thorns 
thrust through their flesh, they called out in a lamentable tone 
of voice, " Do penance, do penance ! hell is for sinners and 
Paradise for the elect." It was similarly in Naples that they 
formed bands among the very lowest classes of the people, and 
whole companies of both male and female flagellators over- 
ran both town and country ; and I could write a thick volume 
full of the follies and obscenities carried on by these fanatical 
gangs, and especially by those of them consisting of females. 
Here I only content myself with the mere mention that such was 
the case, as I shall come to speak on this theme more in detail 
in the third book. I cannot refrain, however, from saying a 
few words as regards the so-called funeral masquerades, which 
were carried on in Palermo and Messina, as Death in person was 
there brought upon the scene, and the people were thereby filled 
with such fear and horror that it resulted in not a few being 
driven almost mad. To have a proper idea of these masquerades 
one must imagine a great procession in a broad street, looked 
upon by a body of many thousand spectators. At the head of this 
procession is to be seen a naked body, covered with blood, wrest- 
ling wiüh Death, and borne upon an open bier by a troop of men 



attired in long talars. On both sides of this bier, as also imme- 
diately behind it, walk beautiful boys dressed in white em- 
broidered dalmaticas, and furnished with wings attached to their 
backs, while each of them carries a cross in his hands. These 
are intended to represent a choir of angels, who, with clear 
voices, perform a concert that might not, indeed, be more beauti- 
ful in heaven itself. But, unfortunately, while listening to it 
one is disturbed by seeing a great swarm of ugly black devils, 
furnished with great claws, flourishing their tails about, wildly 
raging and roaring in order to harass and impede the angels, 
and with this object yelling and cursing in such a way as 
to cause a frightful uproar. The devils also wave about 
lighted torches, made of pitch, the sickening smoke of which 
darkens the atmosphere to such an extent as at times to prevent 
anything from being seen. Now, however, comes the principal 
object, viz. Death himself, mounted upon a carriage entirely 
black, and drawn by six black horses. This representation of 
Death is quite horrible to look at, as it consists of a leaden- 
coloured skeleton of colossal dimensions, so much so, indeed, 
that his head reaches up to the upper windows of the houses. 
In his right hand he carries a colossal scythe, and with the left 
he drags after him a chain, to which is attached a whole herd 
of howling ghosts representing every sex, age, and class of 
society. Those hideous and horrible-looking hobgoblins from 
time to time utter lamentable cries, while exhibiting, by the 
contortions of their limbs, the torments of hell which they are 
suffering. Moreover, despite all this wailing. Death pursues his 
course, as if deaf and dumb, gnashing his teeth and giving evident 
signs that nothing would deter him from sweeping away every 
living thing on earth, and casting them into the abyss of hell. 
It is, on this account, quite in vain that a choir of mournful 
repentant psalm-singers following in his train groans out the 
most doleful airs, exciting thereby, in the highest degree, the 
anguish and horror of the surrounding bystanders, who can see 
no escape from eternal perdition. But now, behold ! the Jesuits 
come upon the scene ; they look, however, earnest and solemn, 
but also, at the same time, friendly and celestial, while glancing 
around them. A magnificent radiant sun, borne by four stalwart 
lay brethren, is carried along above their heads, indicating the 
light of eternal blessedness, so that the minds more heavily 


oppressed may breathe lightly again, knowing at length where 
to look for the dispensation of eternal grace. So great was the 
power to which the Jesuits now attained in Italy, and so easilv 
were they ordinarily enabled to gain the end and aim which they 
set before them. But it so happened that there was one hindrance 
to their being able to conquer ; and similar difficulties occurred 
too, m Milan, Venice, Veltlin, and Savoy. In Milan, from' 
the year 1566 to 1684. there ruled as Archbishop, Count 
Carlo Borromeo, well-known as one of the most distinguished 
men of his times, whose diocese, as long as he lived and laboured 
might well have served as a model for all others. This Borromeo' 
m the hope of bringing better order and condition into his' 
hitherto rather lax church discipline, invited the Jesuits to 
Milan, selecting one from among their ranks as his Father 
Confessor, and putting a seminary at their disposal in order to 
establish a splendid educational institution, overloading them at 
the same time with favours of every description, to such an 
extent that he even entertained the idea of making over to them 
the possessions belonging to the Order of the wild "Humiliaten " 
which it was his wish to suppress. As he carried out, with 
becoming zeal, the reform of the priesthood, and especiallv of 
the monkhood, both of which had become dissolute, the refrac- 
tory monks brought an accusation against him before the Pope, 
and at the same time caused him to become an object of 
suspicion to the Spanish Governor of Milan (Lombardy at that 
time belonging to the Crown of Spain), making it appear that he 
entertained the idea of assuming the royal prerogative. In con- 
sequence of this accusation the Pope, as well as the Governor, 
took steps against him, and to all appearance it seemed as if 
he would succumb to his enemies. The Jesuits also, at whose 
head Father Mazarini, the Kector of their college in Milan, par- 
ticularly distinguished himself, were of this way of thinking. 
Not only did they at once go over with flying colours to the 
camp of the Spanish Governor, but they reviled their former 
benefactor, the Archbishop, in the most calumnious manner 
m every church which had been given to them by him as a 
present. They reckoned, however, without their host, in 
imagining that Count Borromeo must of necessity make room 
for another, as he victoriously met all the accusations and 
caulmmes which had been brought against him. It now 




became the turn of the miserable creatures who up to this time 
had been open-moutbed against him, to shake in their shoes, 
and the Jesuits, especially, fully expected nothing else than that 
the Archbishop would launch out all his fury against them. He, 
however, a man full of Christian love, contented himself with 
taking their church and college from them, and expelling them 
from the city of Milan, but not, however, altogether out of his 
very extensive diocese. It was, indeed, a very lenient punish- 
ment for such base ingratitude as the Jesuits had shown him, 
and the latter ought to have thanked him with all humility. 
This they did not do, however; but they thought that they 
might again establish themselves in the favour of Borromeo 
by laying all the blame of what had taken place on the shoulders 
of their Rector, Mazarini. On this account, the then General 
of the Order, Claudio Aquaviva, expressed his disapprobation of 
the conduct of Mazarini in a special letter addressed to the 
Archbishop, forbidding the delinquent, at the same time, from 
preaching during two years, and ordering him to throw himself 
humbly at the feet of the offended Borromeo. The Hector, as 
mav be understood, rendered obedience to this order ; but the 
Archbishop did not, however, on this account, rescind his decree 
of banishment ; and his nephew and successor, Count Frederico 
Borromeo, who held possession of the Archiepiscopal chair from 
1595 to 1631, went still further on assuming possession of the 
government, and took away from the Jesuits the conduct of 
all the colleges and seminaries which had been established in 
Lombardv, forbidding all who wished to devote themselves to the 
priesthood from prosecuting their studies in any Jesuit college, 
under the penalty of loss of consecration. This injunction con- 
tinued as long as he lived, and it was only after the year 1631 
that the Jesuits ventured to establish themselves again in the ter- 
ritory of Milan. It went even worse than this with them in the 
city of Venice, which had always shown itself more free-thinking 
than was agreeable to the Romish priesthood ; and it was 
for this reason that the Jesuits had very early established 
themselves there, in order to bring about, through their 
influence, a change in the state of matters. Now, however, 
Jesuit machinations did not at all meet with the approval of the 
Venetian Senate, and on this account it decreed a law in 1608 
by which neither any new churches nor cloisters could be built 



without the permission of the Government, nor any new Order 
of Monks or societies founded. This was a severe blow to the 
Romish priesthood, and more especially to the Jesuits, who at 
that time had entertained the idea of establishing themselves 
permanently all over the Venetian territories ; but still harder 
was it when, two years after this, the order was publicly pro- 
mulgated " that no subject of the Venetian Republic should 
be allowed, without the previous knowledge and permission of the 
State, to make over or alienate any immovable property, by will 
or sale, or in any other manner, to the priests or monkish 
Orders, under no less a penalty than imprisonment, banishment, 
and confiscation of their property." This constituted an open 
declaration of war against the Society of Jesus, and thereupon 
Claudio Aquaviva, their General, took up the matter. He 
hastened, with his friend Cardinal Bellarmin, to Pope Paul V., 
and so worked upon the latter that a brief was forthwith addressed 
by him to the Venetian Senate, in which the Pope demanded an 
unqualified revocation of both the laws of 1603 and those of 
1605. The Senate appealed to their rights, but Paul V., in his 
hot displeasure, would listen to no statements based on reason, 
and, in 1 606, launched an interdict, without further delay, 
against the Republic of Venice, hoping that, as by it all churches 
had to be closed forthwith, and all preaching of the Word of 
God consequently discontinued, this would give rise to a general 
insurrection among the people against the Senate. With such 
thoughts, at least, had Aquaviva and Bellarmin flattered him ; 
but, as will shortly be seen, they found themselves completely in 
error. The Venetian Senate, forsooth, instantly took up the 
gauntlet which had been thrown down, and not only forbad the 
publication of the Papal interdictory Bull in its dominions, but 
also issued an order to all its clergy to continue divine service as 
hitherto, or immediately to quit Venetian territory. This edict 
was obeyed by the whole of the priesthood and monkish Orders; 
the .iesuits alone hesitated to give respect to it. They were 
under the impression that as their influence had hitherto been 
so great they would conquer in spite of every opposition. The 
Senate, however, remained firm, and intimated to them that they 
must at once quit Venetian territory, if they wished to avoid 
forcible expulsion. There now remained for them no other 
course than to obey, and they, along with the Capuchins, whom 




they had contrived to bring over to their side, went in great 
processions towards the closing of the gates, carrying before them 
huge crucifixes. Their expectations, however, that such a solemn 
exodus out of Egypt might give rise to fanatacism among the 
lower orders of the people, and create, at least, some disturbance, 
completely failed, even as much as the previous hope enter- 
tained by the Pope ; for when the masses of the people pressed 
forward to witness the spectacle, not a single hand was 
raised in their favour, but, on the contrary, curses were sent 
after them. After their departure, the Senate confiscated all 
their houses, and now some very strange discoveries were made. 
Besides leaving their riches in gold and silver, they fled also, in 
all haste, with the greatest portion of their books and manu- 
scripts, to deposit them with the Spanish Ambassador, as well 
as with some private friends ; but sufficient letters of theirs 
were found from which it was plain that they had devoted 
themselves much more to things temporal than to things 
spiritual, and suspicions arose that they had an understanding 
with the Spanish Court, which had for a long time striven to 
obtain possession of Venice. It now appeared clear, besides, 
to many of the senators, what was the reason that the Order had 
sent the handsomest members of their Society to Venice, as 
several of the epistles they had left behind were evidently 
written by female hands, and their contents gave but unfavour- 
able testimony respecting the innocence of Venetian house- 
wives. Added to this, it so happened that the exiles, in order 
to ventilate their anger in Bologna, Ferrara, Mantua, Bari, 
Palermo, and other places, preached in the most violent manner 
against the Republic, doing their utmost to incite against it the 
Courts of Madrid and Prague, in order to induce Philip III. and 
the Emperor Rudolph II. to wage war with Venice ; the Jesuits 
also did their best to excite insurrections in that kingdom. 

In short, there existed incontestable evidence that the Jesuits 
constituted themselves very dangerous enemies to the Venetian 
Republic. The Senate consequently passed a resolution unani- 
mously to banish them for ever from Venetian territories. 
But even this course was not sufficient to satisfy the require- 
ments of the case, but an addition was also unanimously attached 
to the above decree, to the effect that no proposals of their ever 
again being received into Venice should be even listened to. 


unless five-sixths out of the number of 180 senators were 
favourable to the consideration thereof; and, besides, every person 
in the Venetian State, of any condition or sex whatever, was 
strictly prohibited from holding communication with the sons 
of Loyola, under the heavy penalty of fine, imprisonment, or 
condemnation to the galleys. This decree, too, remained in 
force in spite of the Pope himself making an offer to revoke 
the interdict which he had issued, on condition that the 
Jesuits should be again received — a proviso which the Senate 
peremptorily rejected. So, at last, Paul, being left in the lurch, 
saw himself compelled by France, the ally of Venice, and by the 
King of Spain, the friend of the Jesuits, to conclude peace 
with the Senate, being under the necessity thereby of sacrificing 
the sons of Loyola. The latter now set about matters in 
another way, begging the Senate to revoke the decree of banish- 
ment of 1612, and secretly offering for this favour the enormous 
sum of 500,000 ducats, but the nobility of Venice conducted 
itself on this occasion in a truly worthy manner, and refused 
with disdain the attempted bribery. 

Precisely the same fate that they had met with in the Venetian 
State, they had previously experienced in Veltlin, a portion of 
Graubünden. There, in the year 1560, they brought it about 
that a very wealthy and esteemed old man, but at the same time 
weak-minded and almost childish with the burden of years, of 
the name of Anton Quadrius, who lived at Ponte, the capital 
of the country, bequeathed his whole property to them, in 
order to found a college therewith. His rightful heirs, how- 
ever, made a complaint forthwith to the head-man of the 
country, who issued orders that the Black Cloaks should at once 
not only leave Ponte, but also quit the whole territory. The 
Jesuits now addressed themselves to the Diet of Graubünden 
(Grisons), which in the year 1561 usually assembled at the 
town of Chur, and brought the matter to such a point that the 
all-powerful Sovereign of Catholic Christendom exerted himself 
in their favour. The Grisonites, as free Republicans, paid, 
however, but little attention to the advice of crowned heads, and 
immediately after a full trial passed a resolution unanimously, 
in a public sitting, that the Jesuits, *' as enemies of the Gospel, 
who were more qualified to corrupt youth than to educate them," 
should at once evacuate for ever the territory of the Grisons. 

11 * 



In precisely the same manner the Walh'sers, the neighhours 
of the Orisons, fifty years later, in the year 1610, declared them- 
selves, and consequently defeated the attempts of the Jesuits 
to penetrate into Veltlin through Wallis. The latter hecame 
all the more enraged against the man through whose eloquence 
these results had heen mainly hrought about, namely Bartholma 
Alett, who, in the year following, died with evident symptoms 
of poisoning, and the general belief was that the poison had 
been administered to him through the agency of a Loyolite in 

The Jesuits pursued quite another course in Savoy from that 
adopted by them in the other above-mentioned parts of Italy. 
There were here, in the middle of the 16th century, not a 
few Protestants who had come from other countries, where 
they had been persecuted on account of their faith, while they 
hoped that in the depths of these quiet Alpine valleys, quite cut 
off, so to speak, from the rest of the world, they might be able 
to live undisturbed and unmolested. To these attached them- 
selves that remnant of the Waldenses who had their home here 
and in the neighbouring country of Piedmont during the last 
two centuries, and who, almost Protestant already, now entirely 
recognised the Keformed Church. This, however, was of course 
anything but agreeable to the taste of the Catholic priesthood, 
and the Duke at that time, Philibert Emanuel, proceeded to 
oppose by force in the severest manner this remnant of heresy 
in his hitherto thoroughly Catholic country. The Dominican 
monk Thomas Giacomello, more especially, proceeded against 
them in a very brutal way, and did not rest satisfied until a 
frightful example had been made of them, a number of the 
Reformers being burnt alive or sent to work in the galleys. 
The Protestants, however, being in so large a majority, threatened 
to take up arms in their defence against the Duke, who, then 
yielding, addressed himself to Pope Pius IV., asking the ques- 
tion whether all this contention might not best be settled by a 
religious conference. The Pope's answer to this was No! 
Nothing had been hitherto gained in such matters by religious 
disputations. No ! A religious conference must not by any 
means take place, but he would send some theologians in order 
to instruct the ignoi-ant in the true faith. '* Moreover," added 
he, in concluding his written communication, "no instance 


is known where such a matter has been arranged by clemency ; 
but experience teaches that the best means of conversion lay 
in the hands of justice, and when this failed, from being too 
weak, there remained military coercion." 

Who, then, were those theologians whom Pius IV. directed 
should be sent to Savoy ? Oh ! he himself, indeed, sent 
none ; but he charged the General of the Jesuits, Laynez, 
with the carrying out of the matter, and the latter caused 
Father Anton Possevin, a man who afterwards became so 
notorious, to proceed to the Ducal Court on this mission, 
in order to negotiate with Philibert Emanuel regarding the 
establishment of some Jesuit colleges. This, however, was 
only one part of his task. The other and much more impor- 
tant duty consisted in this — that the ruler of Savoy should 
be induced to make, once for all, a complete end of the aflair by 
the extirpation of the heretics now and for ever. Possevin soun 
found that the Duke, who from his long experience in the field 
as a General of Charles V. and Philip II. had become very 
domineering, being particularly distinguished, also, as a tolerably 
wild prince, did precisely all that the Jesuit desired of him, 
although not being himself conscious of it. Above everything 
the latter brought it about that Philibert Emanuel, through his 
influence, permitted the erection of two colleges. Possevin 
looked upon this as indispensably necessary, in order thereby to 
be enabled to call into the country a proper number of his 
associates; and to the Duke's objection that the State was too 
poor to admit of the possibility of the establishment of Jesuit 
institutions, his reply was that the Society would be satisfied 
with whatever could be obtained from the lands confiscated 
from the heretics. Now, however, when the Jesuit Fathers came 
to be fairly established in Savoy, they commenced setting about 
in earnest the fulfilment of their promise respecting the conver- 
sion of the refractory subjects ; and it was indeed a curious 
description of conversion which they employed. Father Possevin 
and his associates travelled about all over the country attired 
in ordinary plain clothes, and penetrated especially into aU the 
out-lying mountains and valleys in which all the reformed com* 
muniues had taken shelter. On discovering such persons, did 
they now take care to let it be known who they themselves were, 
and set about an attempt at conversion by preaching the Roman 



Catholic faith ? No, indeed ; on the contrary, they hastened 
back to their head- quarters in order to bring to their aid several 
thousand soldiers ; and when they now returned along with them 
into the lonely mountain valleys, then, indeed, was it most 
imperative for God to have mercy upon the poor reformed 
people ! But how was it that they obtained the soldiers ? In 
the simplest way in the world, as has been previously mentioned, 
inasmuch as the Duke had been convinced, by the eloquence of 
Possevin, that a Catholic Prince would tarnish his honour if he 
tolerated any longer a miserable herd of heretics in his country ; 
and as the only really efficacious mode of conversion lay in the 
employment of coercion, it was easily to be understood that a 
large number of troops would be required to give support to the 
exertions of the Jesuits. Philibert Emanuel was also all the 
more disposed to this course, as the Pope made him a grant of a 
considerable sum of money to meet the expenses attendant on 
the entertainment of this small faithful army; and, moreover, was 
not a prince of his character to consider himself fully j ustilied in 
punishing as rebels and disturbers of the peace, subjects who did 
not accede to his wishes, that they should openly recognise that 
faith which was held by the ruler of the country ? Suffice it to 
say, then, that the heretics were, as a matter of course, defeated 
by the soldiers under the guidance of the Jesuits, and that there 
now followed a time of misery and woe for Savoy, the details of 
which the pen, indeed, is reluctant to describe. In this manner, 
for instance, Possevin, at the head of two thousand men, fell 
upon the village of St. Germain, and put to the sword all the 
male inhabitants, although these had not taken up arms ; but 
the two reformed clergymen who were found there were burnt 
by means of a slow fire, the wood necessary for which the 
women and girls were constrained to bring at the point of the 
Bword. A precisely similar fate befell many dozens of reformed 
communities, and all over the country, even in remote farms, the 
sword prevailed furiously, and the funeral piles glowed. At 
last, when they saw that nothing else than their extermination 
was intended, the Reformers rose all through the land, and, 
courageously taking up arms, offered a brave resistance to the 
faithful army of soldiers. Here and there occurred sieges in 
a small way, lor it was easy lor them to entrench themselves 
in their mountain fastnesses, and the Savoyan troops were at 


times exhausted in storming them. Possevin, being now 
furious at the thought that the victory, of which he had believed 
himself to be certain, should thus be wrested out of his hands, 
had resort to cunning and deceit, offering to the heretics, in the 
Duke's name, the free exercise of their religion on condition 
that they should lay down their arms and pay a sum of 16,000 
gold dollars by way of conciliation. The Reformers accepted 
these terms, and signed the treaty proposed to them ; but as 
soon .as the money was paid and the arms laid down, the poor 
deluded people found themselves laughed to scorn in their faces, 
and the Jesuits now began afresh their blood-thirsty mode of 
conversion. Anew did they now penetrate into the mountain 
valleys ^ at the^ head of a rough band of soldiery, ravaging 
them with lance and sword, and once again were the heretical 
clergy, as well as the wealthy and respectable among these 
wretched people, consigned to the stake. This despicable con- 
duct, accompanied as it was with the most frightful oppression, 
awakened such fury and rage among the people, that, rushing 
again to arms, they obtained such a decisive victory over the. 
Ducal army in May 1561, as to constrain Philibert Emanuel to 
think of making peace. His finances, too, were now exhausted, 
as his army had been on foot for two years, at a great cost of 
money ; and as the Pope had long ceased to send him any con- 
tributions, after the destruction of his army, what means had he 
at his disposal to provide himself with another ? Moreover, had 
it not, for a long time, appeared clear to him that when he made 
war upon the heretics in his country, he was only slaying his 
own subjects, and while he was enriching the Jesuits by bestow- 
ing the confiscated estates upon them, he was impoverishing 
his own states ? Oh, no ; enough blood had now been spilt, and 
sufficient misery had been spread broadcast ; Philibert Emanuel, 
therefore, at once discarded Father Possevin and his asso- 
ciates, and on the öth- of June 1561 concluded an agree- 
ment with his Protestant subjects, wherein he again promised 
them the free exercise of their religion, with the partial restora- 
üon of their confiscated property, whilst they, on the other 
hand, engaged to tolerate the Roman Catholic religion in all their 
communities, under condition that they themselves should never 
again have the acceptance of that religion forced upon them. 
Prom this time forth the country again enjoyed the blessings ot 





peace, and the inhabitants lived in concord with one another ; 
but this state of matters only lasted for a hundred years, until 
the time bi Louis XIV., as we shall afterwards see, when the 
Jesuits again obtained the upper hand, and a period of misery 
once more returned. 

II. — The Powerful Influence of the Jesuits in 


It has been already described in the foregoing books how that 
King John III. applied to Ignatius Loyola for some members 
of the Society of Jesus, with the view of sending them to India 
as missionaries for the conversion of the heathen ; and, further, 
how that Ignatius despatched to him at Lisbon Francis Xavier 
and Simon Rodriguez, with this object ; and, lastly, how that 
John III., being so favourably inclined towards the latter, retained 
him at his Court, and constituted him his Father Confessor, con- 
fidential friend, and adviser. This said Simon Rodriguez now laid 
the foundation of the truly extraordinary power which the Jesuits 
came to exercise in Portugal and its colonies, during a period 
of nearly 200 years, as he contrived to make such great use of 
the almost imbecile king, who had scarcely any will of his own, 
that, after the space of only ten years, the Order already pos- 
sessed most beautiful colleges in Coimbra, Evova, Lisbon, and 
Braga, as well as several seminaries and educational institu- 
tions in other towng. Not only was this the case, but of these 
latter seminaries several in Coimbra and Evova were raised to 
the dignity of being made High Schools, and, consequently, the 
Jesuits soon completely commanded all the science, faith, and 
customs of Portugal. The Jesuit General in Rome, indeed, as 
soon as he saw that the ground in Portugal was so easily 
workable for his objects, despatched from Italy and France as 
many members of the Society as he could .spare, to the assistance 
of Rodriguez ; he then contrived to enrol in its ranks a great 
body of proselytes, and with such rapidity and success that, for 
instance, the college of Coimbra, which we have above mentioned, 
could already number em many as sixty members of the Order. 
In like proportion, also, their ali'airs prospered in other 
respects, and the richest and most noble of the land vied with 
each other how to bestow their riches among these institutions. 
But bow could this Well be otherwise, seeing that, following the 

example of the King, all the great men of the country had taken 
Jesuits as their Father Confessors ? Father Michael de Torres 
acted in this capacity to Queen Catherine, while Father Leon 
Henriquez stood in the same relationship to the Cardinal Infant 
Don Henri; again, to Father Simon Rodriguez, being himself the 
Father Confessor of the Ruler, was entrusted the conscience of the 
Duke of Aveiro, first minister of the kingdom, as well as that of 
Count Castanheira, and several others of the nobility. In short, 
under John IlL the Jesuits became almost all-powerful at Court, 
as Rodriguez was so much the right hand and bosom friend of 
the monarch that the latter transacted hardly any Government 
affairs without first consulting with his Father Confessor. 

** Yes," so Teiles writes in his Chronicles of the Jesuits, ''as 
Rodriguez was on one occasion lying sick at Almeiren, the King 
in person, accompanied by the Prince and high Court officials, 
actually proceeded thither in order to pay a visit to the sick 
man, and the monarch, in this, seemed to forget his Royal 
dignity merely to show his friendship for the Father.^* 

The natural consequence of all this was, as it had hitherto 
generally proved to be the case, that the extraordinary consider- 
ation in which the Fathers were now held, as well as the bound- 
less treasures lavished upon them by the King, made them so 
proud, presumptuous, indolent, and luxurious, that soon a 
general feeling of discontent sprang up on this account among 
the people. This, too, was not a silent disgust, for the in- 
habitants of Lisbon caused their complaints to reach the Throne, 
and they loudly accused the Government of wasting the means 
of the State unworthily and on undeserving objects. Still, what 
did that matter ? Simon Rodriguez had the weak monarch too 
much in his power that their complaints should be hstened to ; 
and at last it came to this, that the petitioners were put into 
prison, or banished from the kingdom. Thus did the Father 
Confessor carry on up to the year 1551, and, as one may, 
indeed, easily suppose, with an ever-increasing audacity. It 
now, however, reached the ears of Ignatius in Rome precisely 
how matters stood, and it became sufficiently apparent to him 
that the extraordinary hatred with which the Portuguese people 
' regarded the Society mustjproduce the worst results ; he, there* 
fore, came to the firm determination of grappling with the diffi* 
culty, at once, and with a strong hand. The college of Coimbra 



being, as it was, greatly to his mind, it deeply distressed him to 
find that, according to all reports, the same had become quite 
ruined and degraded, being more like a school lor scandal than 
edification, and that instead of being devoted to study and educa- 
tion everything therein tended to foster laziness, debauchery, 
intrigue, and gossiping. Loyola, therefore, on the strength of 
his unlimited power as General ol the Order, suddenly despatched 
Jb'ather Emanuel Godin to Coimbra, with the object of again 
bringing the college into some degree of order, recalling Father 
Bodriguez to Home, and replacing him, as newly-nominated 
Kector, by the modest Jacob Miron, the former being, in his 
opinion, unworthy of acting in the capacity of Father Confessor 
to a King. John III. was at first very indignant at this violent 
measure of Loyola's, and, indeed, threatened, in consequence, 
to send all the Jesuits back again to Italy ; but, intellectually 
weak youngster as he was, he soon cooled down again, and after 
the lapse of about a month the new Father Confessor had him 
as much in his power as had previously been the case. Thus it 
was that in Lisbon, or, if one prefers to say, at the Court, all 
things reverted again to their former condition, only with this 
difference, that instead of the overbearing and hated Rodriguez, 
the quiet and mild Miron held sway. In Coimbra, on the con- 
trary, things did not go on so well, notwithstanding that Father 
Godin put down, with much strictness, the external scandalous 
condition of the college. The inhabitants of the town had, 
indeed, far too long observed the dissolute manner of life and 
conduct of the Jesuits, and were too full of contempt at 
their immorality to have any belief in any such sudden change 
in their demeanour. They felt inclined, rather, to look upon all 
this as nothing else than pure dissimulation, and the people, 
for the most part, contented themselves with casting ridicule 
upon the Long Cloaks, by greeting them openly with satirical 
songs. It followed, therefore, that if the old consideration for 
them was to be established, some great and striking efi'ect must 
be produced, by bringing on the scene some kind of heart-stirring 
theatrical thunderbolt; and this coup was actually carried out. 
One fine morning, at some quite unusual hour, all the bells of 
the Jesuit church pealed forth in the most solemn manner, and 
a moment afterwards the chief door of the church was thrown 
open to exhibit the most extraordinary procession that ever waa 


witnessed. First of all, there advanced a true Goliath, bearing 
a gigantic representation of the crucified Christ; then, after him, 
came Father Godin, not attired, however, in his usual dress, but 
naked as far as the waist, and armed with a weighty scourge ; 
behind him followed the whole of the novices in a similar attire, 
and then came the lay brethren, also, of course like those pre- 
ceding ; the close of the procession was brought up by the teachers 
and coadjutors; and all, as they slowly proceeded onwards with 
downcast looks, sang a penitential psalm in a monotonous tone, 
which sounded extraordinarily mournful and melancholy. At 
every cross road and open place they made a halt, singing in the 
most doleful manner as hitherto, and causing, in addition to 
this, the scourges to hiss through the air, while they punished 
themselves with them in the most unmerciful way. The blood 
then soon began to fiow from their naked shoulders, and the 
people, who streamed i n crowds in order to witness this extraordinary 
scene, were naturally much affected. The Jesuits, however, with 
their pupils, cried aloud, while imploringly wringing their hands, 
*' Ye men of Coimbra, forgive us, for Christ's sake, the scandal 
which our Society has brought upon us ! " In this manner did 
the procession move further and further, until it reached the 
Church of Charity, when Father Godin ascended the pulpit and 
delivered a discourse of such extraordinary contrition that all the 
audience, which was so numerous that the church was as full as 
it could be, fell upon their knees and, with tears in their eyes, 
shrieked out aloud, '* Charity, Charity, Charity ! " What, then, 
was the efiect of all this marvellous play ? Naturally, of course, 
no other than this, that the people of Coimbra again received 
the Jesuits into favour ; but to the educated and enlightened 
among them the whole afi'air appeared nothing else than a 
theatrical display ; still, the mob entertained a different opinion, 
and especially the women, looking upon the penitents as in some 
degree holy. 

When now, in the year löö7. King John died, he left 
behind him a widow, the Queen Catherine, sister of the Emperor 
Charles V.,as well as a grandson of three years of age, Sebastian, 
son of the deceased Infant John, the successor to the throne, 
and a second son, the Cardinal Henri. Queen Catherine became 
guardian of the young Sebastian, and at the same time Kegeut 
of Portugal. She did not, however, reign alone, being in the 



hands of the Father Confessor Michael de Torres, and Leon 
Henriquez, Father Confessor of Cardinal Henri. These two 
gave to the heir to the throne, with his brother, their sagacious 
companion, Louis Gonsalva de Camara, as Court Chamberlain 
and tutor. Now commenced the worst days for Portugal, as 
from this time forth the Jesuits completely ruled the country, 
as uncontrolled as if they had been the rightful possessors 
thereof. The Queen certainly, on one occasion, ventured to 
assert her authority, and in her excitement she actually wrote 
to Borgia, the then General of the Order, bitterly complaining 
of Father Gonsalva and his mode of education j — 

" He imparts to his pupil, the future King, wild and volup- 
tuous habits," said she in this epistle, among other things, '* and 
teaches him to despise and maltreat his grandmother. Especially 
he does not educate him as a future ruler ought properly to 
be instructed ; but he brings him up to be an instrument in his 
Father Confessor's hands, without any will of his own, and fills 
his head with phantastical images, by which the development 
of his understanding will be totally prevented." 

What, now, was the effect of this letter ? The removal, per- 
haps, of Gonsalva? Oh, nothing of the kind, but, on the 
contrary, the removal of the Queen Kegent. The Jesuits 
and their creatures, among whom was the Minister and other 
high officials about the Court, from this time forth spited 
the poor lady in every way in which they possibly could do 
so, affirming that the government of a woman was not at all 
suitable for such a state as Portugal ; and they carried, indeed, 
this kind of thing so far as to render her existence miserable 
for her. On that account, and in order that she might obtain 
peace and quiet, the poor woman, at length,4in the year iöÜ*Z, 
gave up her guardianship and government, and handed it over, 
before the assembled Parliament, into the hands of the Cardinal 
Infant Don Henri. He, however, being satisfied with the honour 
of being called Begent, just allowed the pious Fathers to do as 
they liked ; and if he at any time felt inclined to take the initiative, 
and to act for himself, he was the very next moment pounced 
upon and brought under the inffuence and dominion of his Father 

The Jesuitical power rose still higher, if it were possible for 
it to do 80^ wheD| in I5t>8^ the young Sebastian, now in his 


fourteenth year, was declared to be of age (as the understand- 
ings of kings nre believed to be in advance of their years, at a 
period when other people's children are still engaged at school). 
The young man, as may easily be imagined, being brought up by 
the Jesuits, was not capable of thinking otherwise than what he 
had been taught to think by the pious Fathers. Day by day 
Gonsalva de Camara instilled into him that the first duty of a 
Christian King was to do everything to further the spread of the 
Roman Catholic religion, as God had set him on the throne for 
this object alone; and while Sebastian was naturally of a fiery 
and vehement disposition, thirsting after glory, it was an easy 
matter, consequently, to make him take up the idea that he had 
been specially called upon to effect some great and extraordinary, 
as well as unprecedented, undertaking for the Catholic faith. 
Gonsalva, indeed, gave himself no rest until he had aroused 
the piety of his pupil to a high degree of fanaticism, and his 
heroic spirit to the adventuresomeness of a crusader. The Father 
Confessor did not, at the same time, neglect to take the pre- 
caution to keep at a distance from the King everyone who might 
be able to operate upon. him in a contrary direction, and, from 
the period of Sebastian's accession to the throne, all important 
places aboiit the Court, and connected with the Government, 
were filled with creatures of the Jesuits. In this way, the young 
ruler was kept in ignorance as regards the riches and power of 
the State which he governed ; he was quite unaware of the fact 
that, since the entrance of the Jesuits into Portugal, all advance- 
ment made by the nation, either in science, commerce, or in- 
dustry, had been backwards, like that of a crab, or, at least, that 
it threatened to fall into a couditi'on of stagnation ; he was ignorant 
of the daily increase in the number of malcontents, and of the 
fact that this highly-esteemed people entertained the idea of 
completely depriving him of all honour and consideration ; and 
least of all did he know anything as to the Jesuits being entirely 
to blame for all the misery into which the country, from their 
bad management, had fallen ; and he could not possibly learn 
this, as anyone who might make the most remote attempt to 
enlighten the King knew well that he must render expiation 
severely, both in soul and body, for so doing. Nor would 
the Jesuits, indeed, allow him to enter into the marriage state, 
although the interests of the nation demanded this of him, seeing 




that on the decease of his uncle Henri the male line of his house 
would expire. No, this must not he, hy any means ; for a young 
and heautiful Queen might have sufficient influence over him to 
burst the bonds of slavery in which he was held by the Fathers * 
One sees, then, with what system the Jesuits acted in Portugal, 
in order that the weapon of power should never be wrested out 
of their hands. At last, Gonsalva de Camara, the all-powerful 
Father Confessor of Sebastian, died, and not a few now believed 
that this circumstance might possibly give rise to a change in 
the system of government; but they were entirely mistaken. The 
King at first felt deeply distressed, and, in reply to all repre- 
sentations, met them only with these words, " What would you 
require of me? I have never known another father, and never 
had another mother, than Father Gonsalva." By degrees, how- 
ever, his distress became blunted by means of the consoling 
administrations of another Jesuit, Father Gaspar Muricio, who 
soon obtained the head and mind of the King fully as much in 
his power as it ever was in that of Gonsalva. Shortly after 
this, in the year 1577, war broke out between Spain and the 
Mohamedan Empire of Morocco opposite to it, in which 
Mulei-Moloch, and his nephew, Mulei-Mehemed, who had both 
a claim to the throne, were opposed to each other Mulei- 
Mehemed was vanquished, and fled to Lisbon to solicit the pro- 
tection of Sebastian ; but the new Father Confessor now taught 
him that, in this circumstance, lay a manifestation of God's will, 
tending to the transplantation of the gospel into the soil of 
Africa. " The Moors," said the Confessor, once came over from 
Africa and turned the whole of the Spanish peninsula into a 
Mahomedan empire ; the hour of retribution has now arrived, 
and it was he, Don Sebastian, that was the fortunate person 
whom the Lord Jesus had selected to eradicate the Moors 
entirely from the face of the earth." These words inflamed the 
fiery heart of the King, and he at once determined upon waging 

#^^^^ '^^*'*® ""^ *?® S*"^*^ Family, the Privy Council, the great ones 
of the kingdom, and all its subjects, urged that the King should con- 
tract a marriage, m order that an heir to the throne might be secured ; 
indeed the Prmcess Margaret of France, sister of Charles IX., was 
selected. But the Jesuits moved heaven and earth to prevent such a 
thing; and they succeeded— although, indeed, by sly calumniation. In a 
precisely similar manner they contrived to cause a proposed union with an 
Austrian princess to faü, as they wished that the heart of their slave should 
remain undivided. ous^uxx* 


war upon Mulei-Moloch. This, indeed, was the moment for the 
Jesuits inwardly to rejoice, as now, when the monarch took his 
departure for a foreign country, they might have the opportunity 
of carrying out their own arrangements and operations all the 
more unimpeded; for while he was taken up with the idea of this 
crusade, he would have no time to think about the melancholy 
condition of his own kingdom. It may be quite certain, too, 
that they had good grounds for encouraging the resolution that 
the monarch had formed, seeing that they allowed their thoughts to 
go further, calling to mindthe mortality of human life. Should, 
for instance, during the campaign, an enemy's arrow deprive him 
of existence, the old original royal family of Portugal would 
have died out with him, and the succession would open up to 
Phillip II. of Spain, the great patron and supporter of the 
Society of Jesus ; in this way, another corner-stone would be 
added to the establishment of a universal Spanish monarchy, 
which would bring about all the more surely the gigantic aim of 
the Society— the mastery over the whole world. Let that, how- 
ever, be as it mav, Sebastian, through the constant instigations 
of the Jesuits, 'remained firmly resolved to make an end of 
Mahomedanism in North Africa, and, in the spring of 1578, 
commenced to collect together an army with this object. There 
existed great difficulties connected with his finances, which, 
thanks to the blundering proceedings of the Society of Jesus, 
were at that time completely exhausted, and it could only be 
through the severest extortion, which would have the effect of 
entirely destroying the well-being of his kingdom, that he would 
be enabled to raise the amount necessary for the purpose. In 
regard to this, the greatest men of the country now offered the 
most strenuous representations, in order to divert him from such 
a foolish enterprise, which must of necessity end in failure ; 
the King of Spain, also, whom he had begged to share with 
him in the glory of the undertaking, had sent him a decided 
reply in the negative. All this was to no purpose, as he had 
got into his head the idea of becoming a victorious hero of the 
Faith, and consequently a small army of about 15,000 men was 
brought together about June of the above-named year. Fully 
a good third of the same consisted of foreign recruits, among 
whom, most marvellously, were a number of German heretics ; 
of the remaining two-thirds, however, consisting of indigenous 



inhabitants, the most of them were obtained by compulsion, and 
it was only the nobles who rendered voluntary service ; so, there- 
fore, there could be no question of a regularly well-trained 
army fit to enter upon war. Taking this circumstance into con- 
sideration, and the small number of combatants, a disastrous 
result might easily be predicted. On the 24th of June 1578, the 
troops embarked in thousands, for the most part in small craft. 
The departure, however, was no happy one; all went into the 
ships in silence, and the eyes of the spectators were filled with 
tears. The landing took place at Arzilla, and thence the army 
advanced as far as Alcazar without meeting with the least 
resistance. In the meantime, Mulei-Moloch had brought to- 
gether a large army of a hundred thousand men, and now, on 
the 3rd of August, he was only separated from the Portuguese 
by a river. It was, no doubt, an advantage for him, too, that 
he was posted on the heights, while, moreover, there prevailed 
in the camp of Sebastian much want of provisions. Those who 
were most experienced in war counselled the latter to retreat 
to Arzilla, and even Mulei-Mehemed, the Morocco pretender, 
declared himself favourable to this course ; for, in the worst case, 
they would then be able to secure their safety in the fleet. The 
foolishly adventurous Sebastian, however, in spile of everything, 
resolved upon making an attack ; and now, on the 4th of August, 
took plane that most unfortunate battle the disastrous result of 
which brought Portugal to the very brink of ruin. In a short 
space of time the small Christian army became completely 
surrounded by large hordes of Moorish cavalry, and, in con- 
sequence of bad war-organisation, all order among the ranks 
was entirely at an end. Each one fought, as it might be said, 
" on his own hook,*' and although some struggled valorously, 
an inglorious death awaited them in the general confusion. The 
right wing, to which Don Sebastian had attached himself, held 
out the longest, and it was really marvellous to behold such 
strength and courage. But at length, here also, the enemy 
obtained the upper hand, and death gained a rich harvest. With 
rash temerity the Christian monarch held out, in the midst of 
•a large troop of Moorish cavalry, until at length he succumbed, 
pierced by a hundred lances. How it precisely ended, however, 
was never exactly known, as there was no witness of his death 
among his own people, and his corpse was not to be found on 


the field of battle. The fact only remained that he had for ever 
disappeared, and, besides himself, as certainly the whole army 
lay on the field of battle, with the exception of a few hundreds 
who were taken prisoners. Thus, in one single battle, was 
annihilated all the bloom of the Portuguese youth, and more 
especially of the Portuguese nobility, and there was scarcely a 
single family in the whole country which was not thrown into 
the deepest mourning. The greatest grief, however, that sprang 
out of this sad disaster was that the crown of Portugal must 
now fall into foreign hands, and the nation incur the danger 
of losing its nationality. The only remaining scion of the old 
royal house was the aged Cardinal Don Henri, who at once 
ascended the throne ; but in his case, even had the Pope given 
him a dispensation to marry, no heirs could be expected, and, 
therefore, after his accession, there arose several pretenders to 
the throne. Among these, there first 6f all appeared Donna 
Catherina, of Braganza, along with her spouse, John ; then came 
Philibert, Duke of Savoy ; thirdly, there was Rainuzius, Pnnce 
of Parma; fourthly, Catherine de Medicis, Queen of France; 
lastly, Philip IT.. King of Spain, and all of these five proved 
from their genealogical tree that they were more or less related 
to the royal house. But this, too, was not by any means 
sufficient, for all of them seemed bent upon gaining their 
object, each one of them assailing the venerable Don Henri 
in order to secure the succession to the throne. The one 
who had manifestly the nearest title was Catherina of Bra- 
ganza, as she was lineally descended from Alfonso I the 
founder of the House of Braganza, who claimed as his father 
the celebrated King John I., and who was also acknowledged by 
the latter as his son, although not a legitimate one. There 
could not, also, be the slightest doubt that the Portuguese 
people, not the lower classes and country folk alone, but also 
the nobility and regular clergy as well,* had no desire that 
their future ruler should be any foreign pretender. It was 
moreover, held to be quite clear to everyone that the house of 
Braganza, which belonged to the country, was alone entitled to 
the throne, and Don Henri himself, it was well seen, was also 
inclined to take this view of the matter. The Jesuits, how- 
ever, held an entirely diff'erent opinion. They had the con- 
viction that the uncontrollable stream of the Reformation, or 






heresy, as they termed it, along with its detestahle innovations, 
could have no more lasting and invincihle check put upon it 
than when the already powerful Philip II. of Spain, grandson of 
the Hapshurger Philip I., who had obtained the throne of Spain 
by marriage with Johanna of Castile and Aragon, should become 
sole ruler over the whole of Christendom ; thev desired, in other 
words, that one universal monarcbv should be founded, tbe chiefs 
of which should be the kings of Spain and their cousins the 
rulers of the Austrian possessions. So, on that account, they left 
no stone unturned in order to create this universal monarchy ; 
always, however, with this proviso, " that those kings and rulers 
should allow themselves to be guided by them (the Jesuits), and 
that, consequently, the supreme direction of this monarchy of 
the world should fall into no other hands than their own. " Such 
was the main thought by which they were influenced, and, resting 
upon this idea, they most naturally devoted their whole energies 
to bring it about that Philip II. should be successor to Don 
Henri on the Portuguese throne, seeing that the annexation of 
Portugal was still a step onward toward the realisation of the 
design of this universal Spanish monarchy. 

What a lucky circumstance, then, was it that Don Henri 
happened to be entirely in the hands of his Father Confessor, 
Leon Henriquez, and what a further piece of good fortune was 
it that this Father Confessor happened to be among the most 
cunning and sagacious of his Order ! How easily, then, was 
the reigning monarch, imbecile from old age, persuaded that the 
gates of heaven should be closed against him for ever were he 
to declare any other than the good Catholic Philip II. to be 
successor to the Portuguese crown ! He was also further in- 
fluenced so far as to prohibit John of Braganza, with his spouse 
Catherina, and their cousin Don Anton of Braganza, from 
appearing at Court, hoping by this maans to take away from them, 
in the eyes of the people, all rightful expectancy of succession to 
the throne. Leon Henriquez, as it may be imagined, was not 
the only one connected with this intrigue ; he was, besides, 
excellently supported by his numerous other fellow-brethren, 
and more especially by the extremely influential Father, George 
Serraon, the Provincial of the Order in Portugal, as well 
as by the two Fathers, Rodrigo Basquez and Ludovico of 
Molino, two most thoroughly experienced Jesuits, who had 


been sent expressly to Lisbon by Philip II. to look after his 

King Don Henri died on the 31st of January 1580, being the 
last of his House. During the year and a half of his govern- 
ment he was completely under the uncontrolled power of the 
Society of Jesus, and now the question came to be considered 
who should be the heir to the throne ; but scarcely was the 
breath out of Don Henri's body when Philip II. sent the blood- 
thirsty Duke of Alba to Portugal, at the head of a numerous 
army, in order, with weapons in his hand, to prove the legiti- 
macy of his claim to the throne. The nobility, together with 
nearly all the regular clergy, now raised their voices in favour of 
the House of Braganza, and the people cried loudly against 
this forcible usurpation, vehemently cursing all the Jesuits. 
But still, what did that matter ? What did it signify that here 
and there the Spanish arms were also opposed by arms ? The 
only result was that the refractory towns were pillaged, and that 
the whole of the country was handed over to the brutality and 
cruelty of the Spanish soldiery, upwards of two thousand of the 
native priesthood and monkish orders being ruthlessly massacred.* 
This was the way in which Philip II. pacified the country, and 
on the 1 1th of September 1580 he had the satisfaction of being 
able to put himself upon the throne of Portugal without 
experiencing further resistance. Portugal now remained, during 
eighty years, subject to the Spanish crown, and was treated 
precisely like a conquered province, the result being that the 
country fell more and more every year into decay, and one may 
well imagine the despair into which the Portuguese, in their 
misery, were thrown. When, however, the whole of this formerly 

* " One could not," writes the good Catholic, Louis de Menezes, " once 
speak of the new Government and escape unpunished ; but whoever was 
not of assistance to the king (Philip II.) when he usurped the kingdom, had 
to expiate this want of service with his life, and even the priesthood was 
not by any means excepted." On the other hand, whoever made it appear 
that he viewed tyranny with disfavour, and even when there was a mere 
suspicion attaching to him in this respect, he was secretly and unexpectedly 
seized upon and thrown into the sea. Therefore, the fishermen began to 
catch the dead bodies of those unfortunates in their nets in place of fish ; 
and thus it was that such enormous misdeeds, by the destiny of Providence, 
were not allowed to remain in darkness. Precisely the same things were 
reported also by the Frenchman Mezeray, and the Spaniard Emanuel 
Eodriguez Leitaon, as also by the thoroughly trustworthy Thuan, the latter 
of whom still added that Philip, later on, demanded and obtained dispensa- 
tion from Pope Gregory XIII., inasmuch as during his usurpation of 
Portugal, he had allowed over 2,000 ecclesiastics to be executed. 

12 • 





well-to-do population had now been brought to ruin through 
the indolent and incapable government of the Spaniards, as well 
still more by their avarice and cruelty, the ship of the Jesuits 
seemed to swim all the more merrily on that account, and all 
the more did Philip II. (1556-98), as well as his successor 
Philip III. (1598-1621), continue to shower down favours upon 
them. It may, indeed, be affirmed that it fared equally and 
powerfully as well under these two rulers and their governors 
as it had under, the preceding Portuguese kings; and how 
immensely great this power must have been may best be seen 
from a memorandum of the Procurator- General Royal, Don 
Seabra da Sylva, who, under Joseph I., had to examine the acts 
of the Jesuits. To wit, on the occasion of a trial which had 
been instituted in the year 1617, before the Crown Law Court 
in Lisbon, in which the Jesuits appeared as the party ac- 
cused, the aforesaid Procurator-General entered the following 
remarks concerning them : — " It had gone so far as this, that no 
one dare venture to proceed against the Jesuits in an allowable 
way, without being thrown into the sea, assassinated, or, indeed, 
punished as an enemy of the King and the Government, -and, 
this beiner the case, they had indeed usurped the sole lord- 
ship over the whole of Portugal." Such a statement as this 
appears to me to be sufficiently plain, and I have, therefore, 
nothing more to add to it. Somewhat differently did things 
proceed under King Philip IV. (1621-65), as, during the reign 
of this equally weak as extravagant ruler, the power of Spain 
sank so low that the Jesuits became clearly aware how impossible 
it was to found the projected universal monarchy by means of 
this line of rulers ; and the consequence was that the great lead 
which they had hitherto taken in Spain began to cool down 
considerably. And still more despondent did they become when 
they observed, to their great annoyance, according to the words 
of an historian of these times, " that the sun of royal favour 
had not infrequently become obscured to the good Fathers, in 
order that it might be allowed to shed its delightful rays upon 
the holy Dominicus and his children ;" and, as they were not 
wont to put up patiently with the slightest affront or neglect, 
they at once contemplated revenge. This, truly, was not of 
such a nature that the enemy would be met with open mask, 
but, rather, in a secret and disguised manner, the authorship of 


which might be publicly denied, as there was far too much at 
stake to enable them boldly to oppose Philip IV. before all the 
world. In what, then, did this revenge, consist? Simply 
in this, that they attacked the despotism of the Spaniards in 
anonymous publications of the most violent character, and at 
the same time in the confessional, assuring the Portuguese that 
King Philip IV. had no right to the crown of Portugal, but that 
it belonged properly to the House of Braganza. By means of 
such and similar machinations they succeeded in attaining two 
objects at the same time ; for, in the first place, while at the 
Court of Madrid they loudly professed that everything was done 
on their part in order that the people in Portugal should be 
brought into submissiveness to Spain, they secretly fanned 
into constantly increasing flames the smouldering ashes of the 
fire of hatred which the Portuguese entertained towards the 
Spaniards ; and then, secondly, the Portuguese people were led 
to begin to put in play the treachery which had been practised 
by the fraternity io former times in favour of Philip II. On the 
1st December 1640, the conspiracy, arranged with much adroit- 
ness, and carried out with equal skill by the Portuguese grandees, 
broke out, which was to put on the Portuguese throne John, 
Duke of Braganza, a direct descendant of the frequently above- 
mentioned Donna Catherina of Braganza, under the title of 
John IV. ;* so it happened that the Jesuit Father, Gaspar 
Correa, was the first to greet him as King. John IV. was con- 
sequently bound to remember what a leading part the Jesuits 
had taken in this revolution, and the weak and timid monarch 
bore this in mind but too well, for he at once dismissed the 
regular priest, Barthelemy de Quental, who had up to this time 
been his Father Confessor, and nominated in his place the Jesuit 
Father Anton de Bieira, who had exercised great influence over 
the inhabitants of Lisbon by his fanatical preaching. As soon, 
however, as Bieira had become Royal Father Confessor, he 
discontinued preaching, and made himself indispensable to his . 
master as political counsellor. First of all, he busied himself in 
procuring the removal of the State Minister, Fraz Lucena, an 
enemy of the Order, and had no scruple, by means of the 
blackest calumnies, in committing to the scaffold this honest map. 

* The details of this, as well as of the subsequent war with Spain, ma 
be read, if desired, in any general history of the world. 





■t' ! 

He next contrived to carry things so far that the monarch 
entrusted to him for supervision all the resolutions of the Privy 
Council, and, consequently, although Bieira had not the title 
of Premier, still the Ministry was in fact subject to his criticism 
and authority. Lastly, the confidence of John IV. increased in 
him to such an extent that he was despatched with ambassadorial 
messages to several of the Courts of Europe, and the cunning 
Jesuit acted at the same time as Koyal Plenipotentiary. The 
Society of Jesus was in reality, then, more than ever the actual 
ruler of Portugal, and consequently, in order that this should 
continue to be the case, the education of the royal princes 
was entrusted to the two Fathers, Cossmander and Andre 
Fernandez. These persons naturally, devoted themselves with 
much zeal to their task, and while they rather neglected the 
two younger children, the second and third born sons, viz. Don 
Alfonso and Don Pedro, they succeeded, on the other hand, in 
bringing up the Crown Prince, Theodosius, in the right way, 
that is to say, in making him a friend of the Jesuits of the purest 
water. The Jesuit Father Franco thus wrote, in the annals of the 
Order which he published, concerning this matter: *' No son can 
cling more closely to his mother than Don Theodosius to his tutor 
Fernandez, and this prince entertained such a predilection for 
our Order that the coat alone was wanting to make him one of 
ourselves." In all other respects, the Crown Prince remained in 
profound ignorance, with the exception of astrology and mystic- 
ism ; and had he ever lived to attain the throne, he would have 
been truly a most peculiar monarch. What was, now, the object 
of all this ? The great aim was that the Society of Jesus might 
retain their rule over Portugal, irrespective, be it well under- 
stood, of the welfare of the country and its inhabitants. 

In the year 1656 John IV. departed this life, and immediately 
thereafter died also the Crown Prince Theodosius, so that the 
neglected Alfonso came now to the throne ; being, however, 
under age, the widowed Queen, Donna Louisa, a born Guzman 
of Medina Sidonia, undertook his guardianship, as well as the 
government, and certainly, under this regency, the Jesuit Fathers 
bad also no reason to complain. Female monarchy was, as 
history testifies, always favourable to the priesthood, and the 
rule of Donna Louisa proved to be fully so. She previously had 
lox Father Conlessor a Capuchin monk j as, however, the above- 


mentioned Anton de Bieira had already, during the lifetime of 
her husband, called the Jesuit Father Johann Nunnez to the 
Court, she would not hear any more of any other ecclesiastic, 
but confided the welfare of her soul to the latter only. Ah ! he 
indeed, was a real saint. He lacerated himself so cruelly, in the 
sight of all the Court ladies, that the blood ran in streams from 
his bare back ; and, besides this, who could pray so earnestly 
with his confessants as Nunnez ? The new Father Confessor 
thus soon became all-powerful, and things were carried so far 
under his rule and governance that hardly any single situation 
in the whole country was to be obtained except through the 
intercession of the Jesuits. They formed, indeed, the Alpha and 
Omega, the beginning and end, to gain all favour, and in order to 
avoid getting into disgrace everyone worshipped them without mea- 
sure. In short, all people bowed slavishly in the dust before them, 
" the Apostles,'* as they were designated ; and the proof of this 
was that when Nunnez came to die, of course under the odour of 
sanctity, he was carried on the shoulders of the first nobility of 
the land into the funereal vault, where he was interred with 
princely splendour. The guardianship and government of Donna 
Louisa was now completely in the hands of the Jesuitical fraternity. 
A severe blow to the Order was, however, threatened as soon as 
the heir to the throne became of age, and ascended it under the 
title of Alfonso VI. This young prince had felt himself kept 
very much in the background as long as his brother Theodosius 
lived, and on that account was led to take a thorough hatred 
to the Jesuit Fathers. And this dislike became intensified by 
the bigotry and self-torture which were introduced at Court by 
Father Nunnez, there being every reason to entertain the opinion 
that the holy Father must be a complete hypocrite, an opinion 
which the prince held, and which he did not at all attempt 
to conceal. Indeed, he had, moreover, the courage, in his 
eighteenth year, to take a Benedictine monk as his Father Con- 
fessor instead of a Jesuit, and expressed himself, in fact, quite 
opeuly, to the efiect that his future ministry should be of a very 
different character from the present body. In all this lay great 
danger for the Society of Jesus, and it may be well imagined that 
the holy Fathers looked to the future by no means without 
anxiety. Alfonso, however, fortunately for them, did not by 
any means possess that strength of mind, and sLill less that 





energy of will, which were necessary for the carrying out of the 
project he had in view. Whence then, too, could he take the 
necessary men of enlightened views and free thought for his 
protection, as throughout the whole of Portugal there were no • 
persons of culture among the higher classes of society who had 
not derived their education from the Jesuits ? Certainly, then, 
those good Fathers had no occasion to entertain such great 
anxiety, and they themselves, indeed, said as much. In order, 
however, to he prepared for all eventualities, they determined to 
nip in the hud any attempt of the prince to free himself from 
the Society of Jesus, by not allowing the youth, in fact, ever to 
assume the reins of government. With this object in view, 
therefore, they spread about all over the country reports regard- 
ing his manner of life, which they represented as so unbridled 
that he had ruined himself both in body and soul ; in order, 
also, to insult him and make him appear despicable both in 
the eyes of the common people as well as of the nobility, they 
arranged that prayers should be oflPered up publicly in all the 
churches with a petition for his recovery. Later on, they 
procured, by bribery, a couple of physicians to declare him to 
be half-witted, and so worked upon the Regent-mother that, 
before the whole of the assembled grandees, she treated her son 
as mentally incapable. Their idea was, in short, to make the 
Portuguese believe that Alfonso was unfit to govern, hoping 
that on that account, he would resign in favour of his 
brother Don Pedro, who was entirely devoted to them. This 
idea, however, was only half of what they desired to effect; 
and in order not to spoil their previous game of intrigue, while 
taking care that the deeply calumniated prince should not, 
on attaining his majority, ascend the throne, they thought it 
prudent to receive with smiling and agreeable mien the proposal 
that he should take unto himself (in the year 1666) a suit- 
able spouse, in the person, namely, of Princess Maria Franciska 
Isabella of Savoy-Nemours. Still, even this last act, which at 
first appeared to them particularly dangerous, turned out in the 
end to be entirely in their favour, and speedily brought them 
unexpectedly to their long-wished-for aim. The young Queen 
happened to be of a very warm nature, and did not, by any ' 
means, feel disposed to remain faithful to her liege lord. So she 
past her eyes upon the handsome and finely- -formed, though 

weakly endowed, younger brother of the King, Don Pedro. 
These affections did not, of course, long remain concealed from 
her Father Confessor, Francis de Ville, whom she had brought 
with her, and he communicated these matters to his friend, the 
Jesuit Father Verjus, who had come to Lisbon as Father Con- 
fessor of the Duke d'Estrees, the companion of the princess. 
These two crafty Fathers put themselves in communication with 
the rest of the Jesuit party at the Court, and such a black plot 
was now soon devised for the removal of King Alfonso as it 
would be difficult to find its match in the world— a plan, more- 
over, which could only be carried out with the connivance of 
Donna Maria the Queen, and her brother-in-law Don Pedro. 
They both, indeed, willingly lent their assistance, as the Queen 
thereby might attain the object for which she so much longed, 
and, as regards Don Pedro, he might readily venture to 
commit a crime in order to gain possession of a crown. 
The comedy exploded on the 21st of November, on the morn- 
ing of which day the Queen, bursting into tears, declared 
openly that, as the King was quite unsuitable as a hus- 
band, she must consequently take refuge in a convent, for 
she could no longer submit to his disgusting society. She, 
indeed, forthwith carried her intention into effect, and took 
flight, accompanied by all her ladies, in order to betake herself 
into the Franciscan convent. Here she was again seized with 
a violent fit of sobbing, while at the same time repeating her 
lamentations ; and the Jesuits, being quickly summoned, made 
the matter their own business, and promulgated the grand event 
of the day with unparalleled assiduity all over Lisbon. This, of 
course, naturally gave rise to a great commotion, and everyone 
commenced to rush about the streets, either into their neighbours' 
or the public-houses, in order to talk over the scandalous story. 
The majority of the people took the Queen's part, for, as I have 
already mentioned, the Jesuits long before had thrown contempt 
upon the King, as may be easily imagined, and now added other 
reproaches to their previous calumnies» Alfonso in vain com* 
manded his spouse to return to the palace, on the affair, so 
shameful to himself, being brought to his notice. She, however, 
hesitated to comply, and he in vain proposed to his Council of 
State, which he had at once assembled, that inquiry should be 
made into her conduct. Feelings of shame, however, forbade 



this being done, but the Queen still protested that the King was 
not a suitable husband for her. Driven to distraction, the 
monarch in vain endeavoured to carry out his wishes by the 
employment of force. Some dozens of the nobility, sword in 
hand, now furiously penetrating into the palace, accompanied by 
thousands who followed them, attracted by the uproar, shut the 
King up in his cabinet, and after bringing forward Don Pedro 
in triumph, compelled the monarch to affix his signature to two 
documents, in one of which he solemnly affirmed that his spouse 
the Queen was in the right, whilst in the other he " from his own 
action, in virtue of his own unlimited royal power, relinquished 
the reins of government in favour of his brother Don Pedro." 
What now followed may be easily imagined. Don Pedro assem- 
bled the Parliament in order that a document, drawn up by the 
Jesuit Father Nuna de Cunha, should be placed before them, 
detailing the motives why it was impossible to do otherwise than 
proceed against Don Alfonso VI. ; and the assembled Parliament, 
enUrely under the influence of the Jesuits, decreed the deposition 
of the unfortunate monarch, on the ground of his being imbecile 
and impotent. 

Don Pedro thereupon ascended the throne, with the title of 
Pedro II., and after Pope Clement' IX. had granted the neces- 
sary dispensation, and bestowed his blessing on the new marriage, 
shared the incestuous marriage bed with the woman who had 
hitherto been his; poor Alfonso, on the other hand, 
who had now taken the place of brother-in-law instead of 
husband, was brought first of all to Terceira, and next to Cintra, 
finally dying in prison on the 12th of September 1683, in great 
misery. What were, then, the privileges which the Jesuits now 
obtained, under a king who had alone to thank them for placing 
him upon the throne ? No one on earth could have the slightest 
doubt ; power and influence especially now became concentrated 
in Father Emanuel Fernandez, who succeeded to the office of 
Father Bieira, the former Father Confessor of Don Pedro pre- 
vious to the accession of the latter to the throne. His exalted 
patron created him to be a Privy Councillor, and, later on, even 
President of his Council of State, so that all transactions, as 
well as all nominations, passed through his hands. The war 
departmeiil was even placed under him, although one might have 
thought that such an office was not very compntible with that 'f 


a confessor and preacher ; but it now belonged to the plan of 
the Jesuits gradually to take possession of all the highest 
tribunals, in order that they might be enabled to rule with com- 
pletely unlimited and despotic power. In short, Don Pedro, 
as long as Emanuel Fernandez lived, was nothing else than a 
complete machine in his hands, and when the all-powerful man 
died, in the year 1693, Father Sebastian von Magellhans took 
his place, with all the privileges attached thereto. Naturally 
enough, however, the burden of the State became too great a load 
for him to bear alone on his shoulders, and he therefore shared 
it along with his associates. Nunha de Cunha more especially, 
the Provincial of the Society in Portugal, as well as Francis de 
Ville, the Father Confessor of the Queen, reigned supreme, and 
those three, namely, Fernandez, Cunha, and de Ville, were now 
designated the " Triumvirate/* Yet it was, indeed, no tri- 
umvirate of love, but, on the contrary, of terror, and it made 
itself feared by all those who did not blindly follow the orders 
which proceeded out of the profess-house of the Society in 
Lisbon. We have had enough now of the sway of the 
Jesuits in Portugal, respecting which I -have gone almost too 
much into detail. It was, however, necessary to do so, as in 
no kiugdom on the earth did the Society of Jesus succeed so 
admirably in gaining the upper hand over all classes of people 
as here. In no other Court did they understand better how to 
combine the character of Confessor with the power of Minister 
of State. Nowhere else had they so completely the education of 
the people in their hands, and nowhere else did their despotism 
prevail so much over the weakness of rulers as in Portugal, 
which for several centuries was nothing more than a slavishly 
obedient province of their universal monarchy. 

III.— Influence of the Jesuits in Spain. 

The first Jesuits who were sent to Spain by their General imme* 
diately after the institution of the Order, during the government 
of the Emperor Charles V., were Father Araoz, who selected 
Barcelona, and Father Villanouva, who chose Saragossa, re- 
spectively, as the field of their operations. The first Jesuit 
college, however, which was estabUshed in Loyola's native 
country was founded m Gandia by Duke Francis Borgia, of 



Gandia, who afterwards became the third General of the Order. 
A very great increase, moreover, soon took place both in- the 
number of their members and of their colleges and other settle- 
ments, for in a nation so much inclined towards superstition and 
fanaticism as that of Spain, the pious Fathers were naturally 
enabled to attain their end all the more easily than in the 
more sensible and sober lands. It must now be shown in what 
mannerthey conducted themselves, and what means they pursued in 
order to get over the bigoted Spaniards, and to cause themselves to 
be regarded by the latter as quite extraordinary men, if not, indeed, 
as saints. They made their appearance, then, wherever they came, 
always clad in miserable clothing, dirty and torn ; they generally 
took up their abode in hospitals, and went about in company 
begging, in order to obtain a subsistence. They commenced 
teaching among children of the houses of the poor, and, as 
regards preaching, any corner-stone they came across was suffi- 
cient for them. They flogged their bodies with scourges before 
everyone, and carried on this mad career to such an extent that 
th£ magistracy had frequently to be appealed to, it being feared 
that they might torture themselves to death ; in a word, they 
carried fanaticism to its height, while they sought at the same 
time to bring mankind to the faith they themselves professed. 
Thus, apart from the self-inflicted cruelties, their whole proceed- 
ings were nothing else than a real and exact imitation of 
apostlic manners and customs. 

Notwithstanding, however, that the common people of Spain— 
that is, I mean, the great masses, and especially the women— ran 
truly in swarms after the Society of Jesus, it did not, however, 
easily meet with such success in this beautiful country as it 
had done in Italy, and more particularly in Portugal, and 
there were many who were much astonished in regard to this 
being the case. They erred, however, mainly owing to the 
fact that the Emperor Charles V., the then ruler of Spain, 
although not himself otherwise inimical to the Society, was 
never once induced to take a Jesuit as his Father Confessor. 
He, on the contrary, selected the Dominicans as his spiritual 
advisers, an Order doubtless hitherto much esteemed, while the. 
influence of his first Father Confessor, the distinguished Ximines 
Eisneros, the great Inquisitor, Cardinal Archbishop of Toledo, 
and Minister of State, regulated the whole course of. his lifo, 


The more remarkable of these spiritual guides, besides Ximines, 
were as follows : Peter of Soto, a very learned man ; Garcias de 
Loaysa, Bishop of Osma; Caranza, afterwards Bishop of Toledo ; 
Johann de Regia, a Hieronomite ; Juan de Ortega, almost con- 
sidered a saint ; and Constantine Ponce de la Fuente, Bishop of 
Seville. When these non-Jesuits; then, had possession of the 
great monarch's conscience, how could it possibly be expected 
that the Society of Jesus should attain to such great power as 
it had done in Portugal, where its members were able to turn 
the heart of the King in any way that pleased them ? A second 
not lesser hindrance to the rapid development and extension of 
the Order in Spain lay in the resistance given, partly by other 
individual theologians and priests, and partly, more especially, 
by that off'ered by the whole of the remaining Orders, the 
Dominicans at their head. The latter sect, as must by this time 
be sufficiently apparent to my readers, through the history of 
many decades, was fashionable in Spain ; it had long since 
gained the heart of the people, through the confessional, and by 
means of the Inquisition ruled with a grasp of iron over ail 
alike, rich and poor, male and female ; towards it flowed hitherto 
all the riches of the country, and from it and its members were 
supplied, for the most part, all the appointments to bishoprics 
and archbishoprics. Could it, then, be quietly submitted to that 
another Order should be allowed to penetrate into its domains, 
trying to reap where it alone had. sown, and was wont to flourish 
the sickle ? Therefore, wherever the Jesuits wished to establish 
themselves, especially in Salamanca, Alcala, and Saragossa, it 
bestirred itself to off'er resistance to their encroachments. The 
bishops, by whom by right the education of the young, as well 
as, above everything else, the wants of the confessional were 
supplied, ofi*ered opposition to them, and on that account con- 
tentions and angry encounters arose in those three cities. At 
the commencement, too, at all events, the Jesuits always got the 
worst of it, and not infrequently the people, incited thereto by 
the other Orders, rose against them ; as when, for instance, in 
the year 1555, their college in Saragossa was nearly taken by 
storm, and they were only able to save their lives by the most 
immediate and secret flight. But besides this opposition by open 
force, individual theologians, entering the lists against them, 
injured them in every way by spiritual and scientific weapons; 




and among such may be named especially Melchior Cano, the 
celebrated doctor of theology belonging to the Order of the 
Dominicans. This far-seeing and cultivated priest, on his way 
to Rome, had become acquainted with Ignatius Loyola and his 
followers, certainly not in the most favourable manner, and as 
later on, in the year 1548, the first Jesuits, with Fathers Le 
Fevre and Ortiz at their head, entered into Salamanca, where he 
himself worked as professor of the University, he particularly 
directed his attention to them, and soon became convinced that 
they were far from being " by God's will the fools and blockheads " 
that they appeared to be, but rather that poverty, humility, and 
self-punishment were only to be looked upon as a pretext and 
artifice to insinuate themselves ; so he described them, both from 
the pulpit and in his professorial chair, as false apostles, as well 
as dangerous men who should neither be trusted in the con- 
fessional nor with the education of youth. Thus, from the great 
consideration in which he was held, he would probably have 
succeeded in efiecting the expulsion of the Loyolites from Sala- 
manca had it not been for the order of Pope Paul III., whom, 
as is well known, the Society of Jesus did everything in its 
power to favour, when called upon to do so at the Council of 
Trent. By this means the sons of Loyola obtained free scope, 
and also, later on, little injury could be done them, as after the 
termination of the Council the bishopric of the Canary Islands 
was bestowed upon them by the Roman Chair. How greatly, 
moreover, was the Society of Jesus at that time already esteemed 
by His Holiness, appears in a despatch addressed by him to 
John de Regia, Father Confessor of Charles V., where a remark- 
able passage occurs, which may be translated as follows : 
'* Would to God that we may not meet with that fate which, as 
history teaches, Cassandra predicted, and which was not believed 
by anyone until after that Troy was sacked and burnt ! If the 
Jesuits carry on as they have begun, a time may yet come — may 
God forbid ! — in which kings may feel inclined to resist them ; 
but then it will no longer be in their power to ofier opposition to 
them." In the year 1555 Charles V. abdicated the throne of Spain, 
and in the year following, as Emperor of Germany, handed over 
the sovereignty, including the Spanish possessions in America, 
as well as the crowns of Naples, Milan, Sardinia, and the Nether- 
lands, to his son Philip IL, now eighteen years of age. That, 




indeed, constituted an immense power, sufficient always to main- 
tain an ascendancy in Europe, more especially as the Austrian 
House of Hapsburg, intimately connected with the ruling House 
of Spain, was friendly disposed, and iii no way inclined to 
frustrate its designs. In addition to this, also, the most distin- 
guished armies and the most experienced commanders belonged 
to the side of the young King; moreover, the gold derived from 
the new world had been taken possession of by the Spaniards, 
and flowed in plentifully. Besides this, what the commercial 
fleets of the Netherlands acomplished might well be considered. 
In a word, Philip TI. possessed, as regards power and splendour, 
everything that was necessary to make him, as a monarch, 
governor of the world. 

Now, had this ruler been a wise man, animated with zeal for 
the welfare of mankind, he might, indeed, have been able 
to accomplish much with such extraordinary means at his dis- 
posal. But Philip II. was not such a ruler. On the contrary, 
his intellectual sphere was confined to very narrow limits, being 
restricted to obstinate bigotry, universal belief, extermination of 
heresy, and suppression of all the rights. of the people. Such 
were the great ends after which he strove, and he sought to 
attain them by the roughest, most determined, and most cruel 
despotism that was ever exercised by one of the Lord's anointed 

This of course, wap but too well known to the Jesuits, and 
this being the case, no one need wonder that they got a hold over 
Philip II. in order that, through him, they might be enabled to 
establish the Roman Jesuitical universal monarchy, which was 
their great desire, and, as I have already detailed in the preceding 
paragraph, to make him the most supreme despot of Europe. 
Between, the Jesuits and Philip II., then, the former having for 
their General at that time Jacob Laynez, a formal contract was 
drawn up, by which the extension of the Order of Jesus made 
truly gigantic progress in Spain. They now acquired a nght to 
establish themselves wherever they wished, and a whole legion 
of colleges sprang into existence one after the other, of which 
those of Saragossa, Cordova, Seville, Cadiz, Malaga, Granada, 
Marcia, Valentia. Maloria, St. lago di Compostella, Leon, 
Cuenga, Belmont, Plasencia, Montillia, Trigueros, Toleda, 
Logronno, Ocanna, Onnate, Salamanca, Talavera, Monterez 
Burgos. Medina del Campo and Madrid, became distinguished 






with the Sclnt of universities. The highest pinnacle of power 
for the Order was, however, attained when Francis Borgia 
was called upon to become the successor of Laynez, as 
Philip II. never refused any request made by him — a veritable 
grandee of Spain, and formerly Viceroy of Catalonia, while 
naturally, the example of the monarch was followed with devo- 
tion, as a matter of course, by all the other grandees of .the 


And now, will it be necessary for me to enumerate all the 
possessions which individually belonged to this Order at this 
time so all-powerful ? It will, I think, be sufficient for me to 
give but a general view only as it stood towards the end of 
the 16th century. Spain was in those days divided into four 
provinces, so far as Jesuitism was concerned, viz. Toledo, 
Aragon, Castile, and Seville ; and each of them vied with one 
another in regard to the number of their establishments, as 
well as the list of members belonging to the Order. Thus the 
province of Toledo could boast of two profess-houses (Toledo 
and Madrid), two novice-houses (Madrid and Villarejo), two- 
and-twenty colleges and seminaries, four residences, and no 
fewer than seven hundred members, belonging to the Order. 
Then, as to the province of Aragon, it had one profess-house 
(Valencia), one novice-house (Terragona), fourteen colleges and 
seminaries, three residences, and somewhere about five hundred 
Jesuits. In the province of Castile, there were a profess-house 
and novitiate, both being in Garcia, nine-and-twenty colleges, 
two residences, and about six hundred Jesuits ; and in the 
province of Seville, one profess-house (Seville), two novice- 
houses, those of Seville and Baeca, seven-and-twenty colleges 
and seminaries, two residences, and seven hundred actual 
members of the Order. Not less strongly did the Jesuits develop 
themselves in the neighbouring territories belonging to Spain, 
which Philip II. inherited from his father ; and in the province 
of Naples alone they numbered one profess-house, one residence, 
two novitiates, six -and- twenty colleges, along with at least six 
hundred Loyolites. In Milan, there existed two profess-houses, 
three novitiates, sixteen colleges, six residences, along with five 
hundred members of the Order. Still more numerous, how- 
ever,* were their possessions in Sicily, consisting of two profess- 
houses, two novitiates, two -and- twenty colleges, and seven hun- 


dred Jesuits. In Sardinia, on the contrary, there were only 
six colleges, one probation-house, and about two hundred 
members of the Order. The most fertile field of all, however, 
was that of Belgium and the Netherlands, as within a very 
short space of time there were established in these countries two 
profess-houses, three novitiates, five-and-twenty colleges, and 
six residences, together with no fewer than seven hundred 
members of the Order, and there would undoubtedly have been 
many more, had not the rebellion of the States- General of 
Holland restricted the lordship of Philip II. over the Belgian 
countries to the so-called Spanish Netherlands. 

It will thus be seen already, from this mere sketch, to what 
an enormous extent the Society of Jesus had expanded its power 
in Spain and its Netherland possessions under Philip II. In 
spite of all this, however, it must not be believed that the rest of 
the Spanish priesthood, and more especially the Dominicans, 
tamely submitted themselves without any resistance to the supe- 
rior power to which the Jesuits had in so short a time attained. 
On the contrary, several bishops and university professors had in 
the meantime directly appealed to PhilipII., in order to explain 
to him the mischievous tendency of the Order ; and that cele- 
brated doctor of Theology, Benito Arias, surnamed Montanus, 
dedicated to the monarch, in 1571, a memorial, in order to prove 
to him that the greatest mischief must necessarily ensue if the 
Jesuits were permitted to mix themselves up with the affairs of 
the Government. The Dominicans even went still further than 
this, as they not only dragged several members of the Society of 
Jesus before ^he terrible tribunal of the Inquisition, the direc- 
tion of which had been entrusted to them, but they also, 
in the year 1590, made a strenuous appeal to the Pope then 
ruling, Sixtus V., begging him to submit the statutes of the 
Jesuits to a more strict investigation than had been hitherto 
done, and requesting that he should put some bounds to the 
unlimited supremacy assumed by the Order. Sixtus did, indeed, 
actually take into consideration the matters advanced by the 
Dominicans, and there was all the appearance that this dangerous 
Society would have to undergo a thorough reform. He first of 
all ordered that the Jesuits should be in future called Ignatians, 
after their founder Ignatius, seeing that the name of Jesuit 
appertained, properly speaking, to the followers of Jesus, and 





consequently was applicable to all Christians. He further required 
of them that they were not in future to meddle with secular 
affairs, and that they should abstain especially from interfering 
in political questions. Lastly, he expressed the opinion 
that it would be best if the sons of Loyola were to consent to 
become monks, like the members of other Orders, with the sole 
object of singing the praises of the Lord from the quiet retire- 
ment of their cloisters. Such would, indeed, have been a 
terrible consummation, "equivalent to the extermination of 
the Society as it had been hitherto constituted,*' and the 
General of the Order, Claudius Aquaviva, directed that litanies 
should -be offered up in all the Jesuit churches in order that 
God should be implored to offer resistance to the projected 
reforms of Pope Sixtus V., that "old man with the iron head." 
The litanies seemed, in fact, to bring assistance to their cause, 
as the Pope shortly afterwards died, on the 27 th of August of 
the year mentioned, without having been able to carrv out his 
reforms, which circumstance therefore gave rise to the' proverb, 
" When the Order of Jesus gives out a litany the holy stool will 
become vacant." 

The successor of Sixtus, Gregory XIV., who was chosen 
through the influence of Aquaviva, however, at once annulled 
all that his predecessor had ordered inimical to the sons of 
Loyola; and the Dominicans were unable, for this time at all 
events, to make good their complaints. The same contention 
for supremacy which had been begun under Philip II. continued 
under the reigns of his successors, Philip III. (1598-1621) and 
Philip IV. (1621-1665), and at one time matters went in favour 
of the Dominicans, while at another the Jesuits succeeded in 
gaining over the heart and sceptre of the monarch. It cannot 
however, be denied that the sons of Loyola, on the whole, lost 
rather than gained ground under the two monarchs above men- 
tioned, and they had, indeed, much difficulty in not being obliged 
to vacate entirely the field at Court.* Quite otherwise was the 

• More especially was this the case in the vear Ifi^fi Af fu„* ♦• 
order to be enabled to carry on the warmth TV^J^L^v-'-ittJ^** *'°'®' ^° 


case, however, when, upon the death of Philip IV., his widow, 
Maria Anna of Austria took over the government as guardian of 
her minor son, the future King Charles II. (1665-1700), as she 
happened to be so completely in the hands of the Jesuits that 
she at once conferred upon her Father Confessor, Everard Ritard, 
the title of a Grand Inquisitor, and never did anything without 
first of all asking his advice. The Dominicans now, of course, 
hurled fire and flames, and to them adhered not only the regular 
clergy, but also the whole of the nobility. As it also came to be 
fully known that Ritard was a German by birth, both of his 
parents being Protestant heretics, the discontent still increased 
to a much greater extent, and there was only a spark wanting to 
give rise to the outbreak of a great revolution. Don Juan of 
Austria, a natural son of Philip IV., his mother being a play- 
actress called Maria Calderma, now came to the front, and 
placing himself at the head of the malcontents, supported by the 
army, which was completely subservient to him, demanded cate- 
gorically, on the 23rd February 1 669, the deposition of the Grand 
Inquisitor. He declared to the Regent that if Father Ritard 
did not, within the space of one hour, find himself outside the 
gates of Madrid, he would thrust him out of the same ; and 
both Ritard as well as Maria Anna soon perceived that this 
declaration was in truth meant in earnest. Consequently, Ritard 
at once took French leave and went to Rome, where he was 
accredited by the Regent as ambassador to Clement X. Father 
Moya. one of the most ill-reputed of the Jesuits who ever made 
an appearance there, took his place at Madrid, and, con- 
sequently, the opposite party gained but very little by this 

beyond their power. Olivarez now renewed his demand, reminding the 
Provincial of his promise. But what did the latter reply ? The d^erent 
Universities of Spain," he was of opinion, "had endowments amounting to 
at least eight milUons of ducats, from the interest of which property the 
salaries of the professors were supplied. Now, the Order of Jesus offered to 
undertake to till ajl the university chairs gratis, without payment of any 
description, and, consequently, the King mighttake possession of these ei^^t 
millions of ducats without any detriment whatever to the State. The King 
would be able then to acquire not less money thereby than ^, with the 
Pope's approval, he were to seize upon the whole of the professions of the 
ecclesiastical brotherhood in Spain and India, and this could ^thout fail be 
accomplished, as the Jesuits were sufficiently numerous to undertake to fiU 
all the pulpits, as well as all the appointments of father confessors Such 
was the reply given by the Jesuits, and it was pretty plain how the matter 
would end ; but, in consequence, they brought down upon t^«^^^/^^«^ ^* *^? 
same time/ all the ecclesiastics, as .veil as aU the universities of Spam. and 
for a long time there were great difficulties, therefore, with which to contend. 

13 * 



revolution. With Charles If. the line of the Spanish hranch of 
the house of Hapsburg died out, and, after a war of twelve years* 
duration, a grandson of Louis XIV. of France, second son of 
the Dauphin, ascended the throne of Spain, under the name of 
Philip V. upon him the Jesuits built their best hopes, as he 
was, indeed, atrue grandson of Louis XIV., and, in fact, these 
expectations were not disappointed. He brought with him from 
France, as Father Confessor, Father William d'Aubenton, one of 
the most crafty members of the Order, and he was so completely 
governed by him, as was also the Queen, Marie Gabrielle, of 
Savoy, the friend of the never-to-be-forgotten Madame de Orsini, 
that fot a succession of several years no favours could be obtained 
except through him. After d'Aubenton's death. Father Juan 
Marino was raised to the dignity of Father Confessor of the 
monarch, and this wily Jesuit, who had been indoctrinated by 
Le Tellier,the Father Confessor of Louis XIV., counselled also 
his weak and insane successor, Ferdinand VI. (1746-1759). 
Thus, in a word, it happened under the line of the Spanish 
Bourbons that the power and influence of the Jesuits rose higher 
than ever, and very few Spaniards, writes Llorente, in his 
History of the Spanish Inquisition, had the courage to offer any 
opposition to their party, as in doing so all employment in any 
public office, or any ecclesiastical preferment, had unquestionably 
to be renounced. 

IV. — Sway of the Jesuits in France. 

It was much more difficult for the Jesuits to form any permanent 
settlements in France, than in the three countries already men- 
tioned, Italy, Portugal, and Spain, although they certainly left 
nothing untried which they had found to succeed elsewhere. 
Loyola had already taken much pains in endeavouring to charm 
the French people with his newly-founded Order, and quite at 
the commencement of his Generalship sent to Paris sixteen of his 
scholars, for the most part Spaniards, under the pretext that they 
might have the advantage of completing their theological studies 
at the famous university in that city ; in truth, however, in order 
that they might there sound the country and gain friends for 
Jesuitism. They were either very unskilful, however, or hnd 
yery bad luck, for not a single soul took any notice of them, and 


Loyola was obliged to send money to them from Rome in order 
to meet their daily wants. Their affairs, however, seemed to 
take quite a different turn after the celebrated Fathers, Laynez 
and Salmeron, made the acquaintance, at the Council of Trent, 
of William du Prat, Bishop of Clermont, and were successful 
enough to interest him greatly in their Order, so much so, indeed, 
that this extraordinarily wealthy prelate (he was son of .the 
former Ghaücellor of France), presented them with a special 
residence in Paris, in the Rue St. Jaques, and the chapel 
attached thereto. They had then, at length, a possession from 
which they might be enabled to carry on their operations in 
future, and, as may be easily understood, a number of the Fathers 
at once entered it in order to prosecute these designs. But 
what signified their visits to the hospitals, and their fanatical 
preaching at the corners of the streets ? What mattered their 
self-inflicted floggings and such-like proceedings ? The Parisians 
were neither Spaniards nor Italians, and consequently laughed 
at them in their face when they merely ventured to look up. 
Besides which, they soon began to quarrel with the regular 
clergy, who did not hesitate to coll them publicly by the name 
of hypocrites. Indeed, one of the doctors of the Sorbonne (that 
is to say, a professor belonging to the Theological Faculty of 
Paris),* published a pamphlet against them, in which he pointed 
out to the Government that the best thing to be done with them 
would be to hunt them at once out of the country with disgrace 
and ignominy as beggars and vagabonds. 

This was, indeed, but a bad beginning, and a rough snubbing 
into the bargain ; but they were soon to fare better. In the 
year 1549, Cardinal Charles of Loraine, one of the most in- 
fluential men in France at that time, who belonged to the equally 
powerful as wealthy house of Guise, made a journey to the Papal 
Court of Rome ; and here Ignatius Loyola contrived, by flattering 
his passions, to gain him over to such an extent that the former 

* About the year 1250, Robert, born at Sorbonne, in Champagne, Chan- 
oellor of Louis the Holy, founded in Paris a " Collegium Pauperum Magis- 
trorum btudentium in Theologica Facultate," that is to say, an educational 
institution for poor young secular priests, which institution was designated 
after the founder "the Sorbonne." Whilst, however, the duty of teachmg 
in the same devolved upon the professors of the Theological Faculty of the 
University of Paris, the said name was latterly attached to the Theological 
Faculty itself, and from the 14th century it never went by any other than the 
" Sorbonne." 



promised, on his return to France, to take the Society under 
his special protection. This, in fact, he truly and loyally did, 
but, naturally, not so much, out of a feeling of friendship 
towards the holy Ignatius as from purely selfish motives, 
as he was promised for himself, and ventured to expect, 
great assistance from the Jesuits in carrying out his plans 
against the hated heresy of the Huguenots. SuflBce it to say, 
however, that he did all in his power in their favour with 
Henry II. of France, and in consequence of this the Order 
obtained through aPatent Brief of January lööO, royal authority 
to establish a college in their abode in Paris, having the same 
privileges and rights as Jesuit colleges established in the other 
countries of Europe. The pious Fathers were now jubilant ; but 
they had begun too soon to rejoice, as there was still something 
wuiiiingto justify this glee, namely, the approval of the Par- 
liament, the supreme tribunal of Paris.* The King of France, 
in fact, was not, as it happened, so absolute a monarch as his 
colleagues of Spain and Portugal, inasmuch as it had been the 
unimpeachable custom, for a century at least, that the royal 
ordinances, dispensations, and edicts could only have legal 
sanction accorded to them, and be observed by the French 
nation, after they had been recorded and registered by 
Parliament, and consequently the said tribunal, so to speak, 
stood in the relation of a legislative assembly — a legislative 
assembly, moreover, be it well understood, for old France, 
that is to say, for that portion of the French kingdom 
which during ages had belonged to the Crown territories 
of the French kings. The remaining, and certainly much 
smaller portion of the kingdom, which had been subse- 
quently acquired either by conquest or through confiscation of 
feudal tenure, had, again, its own particular Upper Tribunal 

* Parliament is derived from « parier," to speak, and originally signified 
an assemblage called together for the public discussion of this or that Act. 
Later on, in the 12th century, the French Senate, consisting of the highesi 
nobility, set aside this name, and nominated a committee of the said Senate 
which had to deal with the acts of the peers. Gradually, however, a per- 
manent legislative commission was formed from this committee, a' kind of 
supreme tribunal for which only experienced judicial legislators could be 
elected ; and m order to secure the independence of this law court, a member 
oould only be deprived of his place therein by a judicial sentence. Such was 
the Parhament of Paris as it was constituted in the 16th century, ä most 
important tribunal, but, at the same time, a purely judicial one, which had 
220 resemblance to what we now understand by Parliament. 


or Pariiament ; * consequently, a royal decree, in order that it 
should be valid throughout the whole of France, must also be 
registered by all the Parliaments of the country. But still it 
seldom happened that the provincial Parliament differed from 
that of Paris, as the latter enjoyed special consideration, and 
consequently the whole of the law-courts centred in that cor- 
poration, where questions were determined by a majority of votes. 
King Henry II., as a matter of course, at once remitted his 
Patent Brief relating to the Jesuits to the Pariiament of Paris, 
demanding its registration. The High Court of Law, however, 
referred the case for the consideration of its procurators, 
Bruslart, Marillac, and Segnier, and they at once declared that 
France stood in need of no new Order, more especially of none 
such as that of the Society of Jesus, which had been favoured 
by Rome with exemptions of so curious a nature. The sup- 
plicants, i.e. the Jesuits, were always at liberty to travel about 
among the Moors and Mahomedans with the object of converting 
them, but in France they were not required. This refusal and 
rebuff was taken up by the proud Cardinal of I.oraine as an 
insult to himself, and afresh he urged the King to insist on his 
Patent Brief being carried through Parliament ; and he so far 
succeeded as to cause the ruler to come to a firm determination 
on the subject. So Henry II. forthwith issued a command to 
the Supreme Law Court to register the brief. The latter now, 
however, showed its independence of royal caprice by, instead of 
obeying the command, handing over, as well to the Archbishop 
of Paris as to the Sorbonne, in order that they might be more 
carefully examined and well considered, the whole of the Acts, 
that is, the petition of the Jesuits, the Patent Brief of Henry 
II. together with all the Papal Bulls referring to the Society 
of Jesus. Eustach du Bellay, being at that time the Arch- 
bishop, took his time over the matter, in spite of all the 
King's importunity and the pressure put upon him by the latter ; 
the Theological Faculty of the Parisian University, which at that 
time was not excelled in learning, stability, and talent by any 
other in the worid, also pursued a like course. At the end of 
two years they were at length ready, and, strange to say, the 

• Such parliaments existed from 1302 at Toulouse, from 1451 at Grenoble, 
from 1462 at Bordeaux, from 1476 at Dijon, from 1499 at Rouen, from 1501 
at Aix, from 1553 at Rennes, from 1620 at Pau,from 1633 at Metz, from 165b 
at Douai, and from 1775 at Nancy. ' 




decision at which both parties bad arrived agreed pretty well 
together, although that of the Archbishop was certainly much 
more moderate than that of the Sorbonne. The first declared 
that the privileges accorded to the Jesuits were not only 
contrary to the common law, but also equally so to the dignity 
and consideration due to the Bishops and Universities ; and he, 
lastly, gave it as his opinion *' that it would be more advisable 
to build houses for the supplicants on the frontiers of Turkey, 
in order that thence they might be able to convert the heathen, 
than that they should be allowed to. have settlements in the 
midst of Christendom." The Sorbonne, on the other hand, in 
its sitting of 1st December 1554, delivered its decision (which 
it may be remarked was come to unanimously), verbatim in the 
following terms :— " This Society which arrogates to itself the 
name of Jesus, without having any right to do so, a name 
adopted by penal, dishonourable, and infamous people without 
distinction, whose members difier in no degree from the secular 
priesthood in customs, divine service, manner of life or clothing, 
although monks — this Society which, in regard to preaching 
and teaching, as well as the administration of the Sacrament, 
directly infringes upon the rights of the Bishops and Ordinaries, 
is in opposition to the whole of the hierarchical Orders hitherto 
established, and conduces to the detriment as well of other. re- 
maining Orders as of princes and the great men of the world, 
as also to the prejudice of university freedom and the injury 
of the people, has been accorded many privileges, indulgences, 
and liberties on the part of the Papal Chair— this Society casts 
a slur upon all other Orders of monks, weakens the diligent and 
pious exercises of virtue in the lonely cell, causes the members of 
other Orders to desecrate their vows, draws away believers from 
the obediciice and submission which they owe to their ordinary 
spiritual advisers, robs ecclesiastical as well as secular authorities 
of their rights, and gives rise to disturbances in both of these 
classes as well as among the people, causing many hardships, 
controversies, schisms, and a number of other disorders. Indeed, 
in a word, when one takes everything into account, this Society 
appears to be destined to produce an imperilment of the faith, 
disturbance of the Church's peace, and the undermining of 
monachism. It is, in fact, more adapted for pulling down than 
for building up." 


It was thus that the Theological Faculty of Paris expressed 
itself, in its celebrated sentence, and in consequence thereof the 
Parliament hesitated to give eflPect to the Patent Brief of the 
King. Eustach du Bellay, however, the Archbibhop of Paris, 
thereupon went even a step further, and forbade the members of 
the Society of Jesus from henceforth exercising any priestly 
offices whatever within the range of his diocese. 

The pious Fathers were then worse off than ever, as the 
power of the King could not protect them against episcopal 
orders, and consequently everyone expected that they would 
have, from this time forth, to turn their backs upon Paris for 
ever. They did not, however, by any means do so, for they 
contrived to find out a back-way of escape. They certainly, it 
i9 true, shut up their house in the Rue St. Jacques, leaving 
behind them only a few of their number for its management ; 
they themselves, however, withdrew in corpore, as one is used 
to say, to the neighbourhood of St. Germain des Pres, to one of 
the magnificent abbeys independent of the bishopric of Paris, 
where they were joyfully received, and a chapel was therein 
allotted to them to enable them to hold divine service and 
carry on other priestly ofl&ces. At the same time their old 
friend, the above-mentioned William du Prat, Bishop of Cler- 
mont, in proof of hi^ abiding favour, presented them with a 
large property in the little town of Billon, along with no less 
than 40,000 thalers in ready money, so that they might by these 
means be able to erect there a college. 

They consequently, then, still remained in France, and ac- 
quired, moreover, another possession; it must be admitted, 
however, that this was as nothing compared with the property 
they had obtained in the other proper Roman Catholic countries. 
Besides this, did not the publicly expressed sentence of the 
Sorbonne find an echo throughout the whole of civilised Europe, 
and was not the injury arising to them out of this of much 
greater consequence than might have been at the first moment 
expected ? Süll, it is said, " Time will discover a plan," and the 
Jesuits relied upon this ancient proverb. Protestantism, or, 
more properiy speaking, Calvinism, as is well known, now 
extended itself with rapid progress throughout France, and were 
it only to go on progressing at the same rate as it had already 
done, the Huguenots, as the adherents of the Reformation were 





designated in France, must soon necessarily gain the upper 

Such a great misfortune for the Catholic Church, which 
now impended, the pious Fathers well knew how to turn most 
excellently to their own advantage, for they secretly spread 
themselves about everywhere, and more especially about the 
Court; and none were more skilful in fighting against the 
detested heresy than the members of the Society of Jesus, and in 
this, beyond all of them, did Father Pontius Gongordan 
especially excel, going about everywhere in ordinary plain 
clothes. On this account many of the French began now to 
look upon the Order with more friendly feelings, and the 
injurious impression caused by the Sorbonne decree by degrees 
disappeared, at all events among good Papists. A favour- 
able circumstance for them now took place in the year 15ö9, 
when, on the death of Henry 11., there came to the throne his 
first-born son Francis II., espoused to Mary Stuart ; at that time 
the Queen's uncle, the Loraine Prince of Guise, was aU-powerful 
at Court.* The pious fathers, however, with the Cardinal of Lo- 
raine at their head, urged the weak King to prepare a new Patent 
Brief in favour of the Jesuits, supporting it and exerting their in- 
fluence upon Parliament with all their power, in order that tbe latter 
should undertake the registration of the King's commands. Strange 
to say, however, the Court remained obstinate, notwithstanding 
that it was well disposed, all the same, towards Catholicism, the 
proof of such being the case consisting in the fact that many 
sentences of death were hanging over the Huguenot heretics. It 
was, however, necessary for it to remain obstinate, as it rested 
with itself to save the rights of the Gallican Church, and the 
independence of the Government of the country in aU secular 
aflPairs, since the sons of Loyola placed the Papal power 
above all church assemblies, as well a>j above princes, kings, 
and emperors, their whole thoughts and energies being, as 
we know, directed towards forming a universal Bomish 

f«,* ?^®-^??®® ^^ ^^^®' »° offshoot from the House of Loraine waa 

hi^sZsonT^f ^^ maxnage the lordship of Guise. Claude left behind 
Ch^J^ A tV*^® ^?^^ distmguished of whom were Francis de Guise 
of Loraii^^^^''^^^.^^ ^^"^"^«' ^"^ a Cardinal (commonly T^edCardZi 
maii^ed to^Ja^r^JiT %%^^^ ^a^g^^ters, the eldest of whom, M^" w^ 
StS ""^ Scotland, and gave birth to the unfortunate Mary 


Jesuitical despotism. Francis II. thus compassed the legal 
admission of the Jesuits even as little as Henry II. had done, 
and, as he died shortly afterwards, in the year 1560, his efforts 
were unavailing. It was not otherwise under his successor 
Charles IX., whose guardian, during his minority, was his 
mother, Catherine de Medicis. She certainly, at first, became 
captivated by the pious Fathers, and some authors even maintain 
that she had secretly selected Father William Petit as her Father 
Confessor. She also truly attacked the Pariiament in two acri- 
monious documents, and demanded of the same that it should 
at length relax its opposition towards the Jesuit Fathers. She 
assuredly, too, did not hesitate to declare publicly as follows:— 
" One must hasten to receive the Jesuits into the kingdom, as, 
otherwise, from such delays and stubborn opposition they might 
be driven into an evil disposition, and be constrained to quit 
France again of their own accord, to the great detriment of religion 
and of the common weal." The Parliament, however, remained 
obstinate in its determination, and the only thing that it could 
be induced to do was to make a declaration that the Church 
Congress, which the Regent had the idea, of summoning, should 
decide in regard to the reception or otherwise of the Jesuits. 
The said Church Assembly, or, more property speaking, the said 
Religious Conference between the Huguenots and the Catholics, 
which was indeed at that time a thing determined upon, had for 
its object to make an attempt, if possible, to bring about some 
amicable arrangement and unity between the two parties into 
which France was then divided, with the view of averting a civil 
war, which otherwise appeared to be inevitable. Pope Pius IV. 
tried in every way to prevent this conference taking place, as the 
Chair of Rome was a sworn enemy to all such endeavours to 
bring about any such accommodation, attempts wherein the 
Romish Church always suffered in reputation through the skilful 
attack of the Protestants ; but it was all in vain that he did so. 
By the invitation of the Regent the Catholic prelates, consisting 
of a body of six cardinals and forty bishops, with twenty-six 
doctors of theology, assembled together at Poissy, where the 
Conference took place at the commencement of the year 
1561. At the same time there made their appearance fourteen 
Huguenot ecclesiastics, at, whose head was the celebrated 
Theodor Beza, together with Petrus Martyr, while a number 



1 1 

of other secular gentlemen, who were desirous of attending 
the convention, were also present. The disputation at once 
commenced under the Presidency of Cardinal de Tournon; and 
the Catholic prelates, and more particularly the Cardinal of 
Löraine, gave themselves all the trouble possible to bring round 
the Huguenot preachers to their viewsi Still the Pope, in the 
first place, was right; that is to say, the affair turned quite 
contrary to their wishes, and the two distinguished leaders of the 
Huguenots, Beza and Martyr, daily obtained new adherents by 
means of their sharp intellect and stirring eloquence. Further 
help must, then, be obtained, if a deep incurable wound to 
the Koman Catholicism of the Papacy was not to be inflicted, 
and Pius IV., on that account, forthwith despatched to Poissy 
another legate, in the person of Prince Hippolyte d'Este, 
Cardinal of Ferrara, in order to uphold the rights of the Holy 
Chair, and he sent also, as a companion to the legate. Father 
Laynez, the then General of the Jesuits, as he, at that time, was 
held to be better fitted than anyone living, as a debater, to parry, 
by his masterly serpentine mode of speaking, the severe blows 
dealt -by the Huguenot combatants. The General, indeed 
completely justified the high opinion the Pope entertained of 
him, and the Catholic party had to thank his keen eloquence 
alone that it not only sustained no defeat, but even when the 
conference was broken up in the autumn, on -account of its use- 
lessness, without yielding an iota, it could claim a victory with 
the same right as the Huguenots. Laynez became, then, among 
the Cathohcs at Poissy, as may be well understood, the extolled 
hero of the day, and a man of such exalted talents had, indeed a 
high claim upon their gratitude. On this^account, therefore, when, 
through the Fathers Brouet and Pontius, he presented a care- 
fully elaborated petition for the legal admission into France of the 
Society of Jesus, it met not only with the support of the whole of 
the prelates well disposed towards Kome, such as the Cardinal 
of Loraine and his friends, but also, indeed, of all the rest of 
the assembly— of course, with the exception of the Protestants, 
who by this time, however, had already taken their departure \ 
so the required decree was at once prepared on the loth Sep- 
tember 1501. Nevertheless, this admission, properly speaking, 
did not take place unconditionally, as in Spain, Portugal, and 
Italy, but, on the other hand, the prelates introduced all kinds 


of clauses therein, with reservations, in order to protect the 
rights and privileges of the Galilean Church ; and, moreover, 
the Papal Bulls issued in favour of the Jesuits were subjected 
to the most rigid paring. 

** Above everything must the sons of Loyola/' thus the excep- 
tional conditions are expressed, " lay aside the name of Jesuit, 
or Society of Jesus, as they are not more entitled to assume these 
designations than any of the other children of Christ." They 
had further " to renounce calling themselves a religious Order, 
like the Benedictines, Dominicans, Augustines, &c.; they, in 
fact, merely have the rights of a society or company, whose 
statutes are to be regulated according to the constituted laws'. 
They must also, besides, promise to place themselves under the 
jurisdiction of the bishops of the dioceses in which they reside, 
the latter having it in their power to inflict the usual censures 
upon any of the members deserving of punishment. They should 
especially undertake nothing that would be detrimental to the 
bishops, founders, parsons, universities, or holy orders, and the 
Papal Bulls, which give them a special exemption, are to be of 
no effect or value. Lastly, they have to- declare it to be under- 
stood by them, that the present exceptional permission should 
at once cease to have effect should they at any time overstep 
the conditions imposed upon them, or obtain other privileges 
from the Papal Chair which might be in opposition to any of 
the conditions above mentioned, and thus and upon these grounds 
and no other shall this treaty be concluded with them." 

Such were the conditions which the convention of Poissy 
stipulated as regards the admission of the Jesuits into France, 
and one sees thereby with what extreme distrust even the ultra- 
Catholic French prelates looked upon the Order; but had one 
ventured to make even more stringent injunctions, in regard to 
the Society of Jesus, they would have been accepted. It only 
remained for them now to plant, therefore, a firm foot in France 
to make themselves powerful ; once, then, that their first object 
was attained, what, eh ! was easier for them than to break the 
stipulated conditions, and pay no further attention to the treaty to 
which they had agreed ? " What does it matter as regards per- 
jury if one does not sv^ear ? " says the. Jew. The correctness of 
• this conclusion shortly, then, became apparent. Scarcely had 
the pious Fathers secured the desired decree of legal permission 



in their pockets than they at once pulled down their house in 
the Kue St. Jacques, in order to build in its place a beautiful 
new palatial college ; and hardly had this magnificent building 
been erected than they placed in front of the same the inscrip- 
tion in black letters, ** College of the Society to the Name of 
Jesus." Thus they acted, although during the first two years, as 
far as France was concerned, they had been obliged to submit to 
the renunciation of this name ; still, that was by no means all 
that they did, but in addition they hastened to erect colleges 
in all the cities in that part of the country well affected towards 
Catholicism, as, for instance, in Avignon, Rhodas, Morioc, Bor- 
deaux, Lyons, Rouen, Marseilles, Clermont, De la Fleche, Rennes, 
Moulins, and wherever else such might be the feeling, and 
demanded for all those educational institutions the same rights 
and privileges which were possessed by the universities. Speak- 
ing more plainly, they were desirous of being qualified to 
create masters of philosophy and doctors of tlieology, similar to 
those of the Sorbonne in Paris, and, as the instruction was 
all given gratis, they hoped to obtain many students, that, in 
this way, they might soon be enabled to provide the whole of 
France with priests of their own stamp and of their own reli- 
gious opinions. The University of Paris, however, opposed this 
arrogance with all its power, and along with it the Archbishop 
of Paris, the Prefects and the Mayor of the city, the Cardinal 
de Chatillon as Curator of the Sorbonne, the whole Orders of 
monks, and all of the regular clergy made common cause. In 
spite of all this, however, the Jesuits, favoured bv the Court, 
and more especially by the Guises, persisted in their demands, 
and, as the matter was referred to Parliament, there now arose a 
trial which lasted more than two centuries without being brought 
to any definite conclusion — a trial during which the considera- 
'tion in which the Society was held was more and more brought 
into disfavour, while the advocates of the university threw the 
most bitter reproaches in its teeth. But what did that signify to 
the warriors of Christ? They, however, gained this much 
by the said trial, that, urged by them to do so, the Queen 
Regent, in the meantime, gave them permission to open their 
schools, and commence their instructions, pending the legal 
issue of the matter ; and on account of the enormous advantage 
which this license secured to them, they could wejl afford to 


allow themselves to be more or less abused. There was only one 
great hindrance which stood in the way of the rapid spread of 
the Order of Jesus throughout France, and that was that by 
this time neariy one-half of the French people adhered to Pro- 
testantism, and, as may be well imagined, the pious Fathers 
directed all their attention and influence in urging on the 
Catholics in the conflict against heresy, as only by its extinc- 
tion would it be possible for the Jesuits to become all-powerful. 
I will not, indeed, affirm that the civil war which at that period 
had begun to break out in France owed its origin entirely to 
the machinations of the Society of Jesus, as such an asser- 
tion as this might not be altogether founded on truth ; but this, 
however, I will say, that the war in question would not have had 
so long a duration, and would not have been carried on with 
such ferocity as was the case, had no Jesuits existed in France. 
The pious Fathers themselves, indeed, took part in the fight, 
as, for instance, at the siege of Poitiers, where Brother Lelio 
Sanguini, afterwards declared to be a martyr, commanded the 
auxiliary forces sent by the Pope ; again, in the battle of Gamac, 
in which Father Augnier had the honour of putting on the 
boots and cuirass of the Duke of Anjou ! Then, was not their 
college in Paris the principal stronghold of the murderous crew 
which was let loose upon the poor Huguenots during the 
fearful night of St. Bartholomew ; while another of their posses- 
sions in Paris, namely, their profess-house, gave shelter to Henry 
Due de Guise, the leader of the troops engaged in the bloody 
work, for several days, immediately after the attempted assassina- 
tion of Admiral Coligny. 

For all the trouble, notwithstanding, that was taken by the 
Jesuits never to allow any truce to take place between the 
Catholics and Huguenots during their contentions, so as to 
make the same, indeed, a war of extermination, they were unable 
to succeed in this object as long as Charles IX. and his mother 
held the reins of government. Their worldly dominion lay too 
much at the hearts of both the King and the Regent to induce 
them to think, in earnest, of sacrificing the half of their subjects 
on account of the faith ; and thus the war against the Hugue- 
nots was commenced, indeed, some four or five times, but on 
each occasion peace was concluded without much ground being 
gained upon the heresy. It was otherwise, however, under the 



reign of Henry III (1574-89), the brother and successor of 
Charles IX., as this prince, totally enervated by debauchery, 
had already, while Crown Prince, been induced to take a member 
of the Society of Jesus, Edmund Auger by name, as his Father 
Confessor, whose influence as spiritual adviser prevailed no less 
than as we have already seen in the history of Portugal, in 
which country a like power was exercised. Unfortunately, the 
weak-minded Henry had long been accustomed to render 
obedience to his ambitious and imperious mother in all things, 
and from this he did not depart on becoming ruler. By the 
efforts of the Guises and the Jesuits, intimately allied to them, 
there now arose a new Huguenot war, "which was indeed a fright- 
fully bloodthirsty and devastating struggle. Still the Protest- 
ants, at whose head there fought Henry of Navarre, along with 
the great Cond6, conquered one place after another during the 
year 1575-76, so much so that the Court concluded a new 
peace with them on the 8th of May of the last-named year, and 
granted to them unrestrained religious freedom, in addition to 
a number of places of refuge. But think what kind of religious 
freedom it was ! Religious freedom granted to heretics by a 
Catholic King, and in a country which the Society of Jesus had 
selected as the scene of its dominion ! Such a thing, indeed, 
was not to be allowed in any case, or at any rate must not be 
lasting, whenever it might again become possible to urge on the 
King to commence a new Huguenot war. What had previously 
taken place proved that the house of Valois, the designation by 
which the dynasty then reigning was called, would never allow 
itself to enter upon a war of extermination, and, consequently, it 
might be reckoned upon with certainty that a new war would but 
end again in a new peace. Moreover, what was to happen were 
Henry III. to die, as there was much reason to fear, without 
leaving behind him male heirs, and the next relative, Henry of 
Navarre, were to come to the throne ? Truly, against such a 
contingency there was only one sole effectual remedy, namely, 
that of carrying out the idea of a universal monarchy, by getting 
the crown placed on the head of Philip II. of Spain, as had 
been already done in the case of Portugal. When matters had 
arrived at such a point as this, one might then, indeed, be 
pretty sure that the sword once drawn by the Catholics would 
uever more be sheathed until all heretics within French confines 


had been exterminated, and, on that account, the Jesuits forth- 
with took an oath to carry this plan into effect at any price. 
Still, at the same time, they took good care to do so without 
hurting in any way national French susceptibilities by intruding 
their views openly and without reserve, but they christened their 
small child by another name, viz. that of the Holy League of 
all Catholics against the Huguenot heresy. At the head and 
front of this confederacy they placed the Pope, the King of 
Spain, and the Guises, and they easily succeeded in winning 
over those parties to be in favour of their projects : the Pope, 
because it was a matter of vital consequence to him to see 
heresy exterminated; while to the King of Spain the vision of 
the crown of a mighty kingdom was before him ; and so far as 
the Guises were concerned, they dared to hope that, under 
Philip II., residing so far away as Madrid, the whole governing 
power of France would be at their command. However, this 
was, after all, not so easily carried out as they would wish, as the 
Catholic people, the Catholic nobility, and the minor Catholic 
princes had to be won over to the plan, and only then would 
there be any hope of substantial success ; and such a result it 
seemed, to begin with, beyond all human power to attain. 
The Jesuits, however, undertook the matter in question, and 
actually carried it out in its entirety. 

From the year 1570— for in that year the league or treaty 
was concluded by the Pope, the King of Spain, and the 
Guises, for the dethronement of the legitimate royal family of 
France— there permeated emissaries throughout the whole of 
France, who instituted among the people " associations for the 
protection of religion " ; but what was the fundamental object of 
such associations might be seen in this, that everyone entering 
into the brotherhood must solemnly pledge himself never to 
recognise the legitimate successor of Henry III. as heir to the 
throne. Moreover, the chief thing that was preached at all 
meetings, which were generally held in cities where the Jesuits 
had colleges and profess-houses, or in other particular localities, 
was that a good Catholic would disgrace the religion to which 
he belonged were he ever to offer any opposition to the views of 
the Spanish house or of the Papal See ; these associations were 
nothing else, in fact, than conspiracies against the royal house 
of Bourbon and its heirs. No less activity was developed 


It! I 



among the Jesuits towards the Catholic nobility of France, as 
well as in gaining over the minor Catholic courts, as the Order 
had emissaries everywhere who knew how to conduct them- 
selves like the most skilful diplomatists. Among these, Father 
Henry Sammler became especially distinguished — a man for whom 
nothing daring was too dangerous, and who understood how to 
fill, with the greatest skill, any part which might be assigned 
to him by the Society. At one time he would make his appear- 
ance as a soldier, and at another as a priest, while on a third 
occasion he would appear as a strolling pleasure-seeker ; he was 
equally at home with cards, dice, and the fair sex, as with his 
breviary. With all this, he never lost sight of his mission which 
was "to gain over members for the League,'* and he carried on 
his operations in Germany, Spain, Italy, and France, between 
which countries he was always travelling backwards and forwards, 
conducting himself with such ability that he was simply desig- 
nated " Director of the League." A no less conspicuous part was 
played by Father Claudius Matthew, who, during the reign of 
Henry IlL, conducted the correspondence between the Guises 
and the holy Father, and who, on that account, was continually 
on the road between Paris and Rome and Rome and Paris. He, 
again, went by the name of " Courier of the Leaguists," and it 
was through his zealous exertions that the Pope was induced to 
launch his nefarious Bull of excommunication against Henry of 
Navarre and the Prince of Conde, in the year 1558. Another 
famous emissary of the League was Father Odon Pigenat, a man 
of almost stormy eloquence, who on that account was called the 
" Trumpeter of the League.*' Besides the foregoing may be 
mentioned also the Fathers Commolet, Mandoza, Aquillon, and 
Feria, who all performed important services to the League. The 
Jesuits were, indeed, the heart and soul of the Leaguist con- 
spiracy, and it was through them alone that it grew to be of the 
strength and importance by which it was distinguished iu French 
history. It fell, indeed, very little short of success, and had the 
Leaguist conspiracy been only carried through successfully the 
Society of Jesus would have seen at their feet the whole of 
France, just as much as Spain, Portugal, and Italy. On that 
account, then, did the Jesuits rejoice in their inmost soul, and 
they already stretched out their hands to clutch the magnificent 
booty, when one single over-hasty deed snaicheJ away again 


from them not only all the advantages they had hitherto attained, 
but also shut against them, almost for ages, the whole of the 
French kingdom. The account of this occurrence does not 
belong to this, but to the sixth and last book of my work, to 
which I must refer the reader. 

V. — The Sway of the Jesuits in Germany and the 
Countries adjacent thereto. 

In the preceding four sections I have shown what an in- 
credibly powerful influence the Society of Jesus contrived to 
gain among the Romance nationalities, and it will be seen from 
the statements therein made that this result had been attained 
the more easily, and in a comparatively short space of time, 
on account of the Romish character of the Itahan, Spanish, and 
other like nations ; but a far more hard and difficult problem 
had the sons of Loyola before them in the land of the Germans, 
or, as it was at that time designated, " in the holy Roman 
Empire of the German nation," to establish themselves and 
bring it under their sway. On the whole, what had they after 
all gained when they had still to win the most mighty empire of 
Europe? What did it matter to them their sway in Italy, 
Portugal, and Spain, and even in France, when that great 
State was still not bound to own their allegiance, and whence, 
like a running stream of lava, gushed out a current of heretical 
and Lutheran opinions over the neighbouring countries and 
peoples ? Frightful, ah ! indeed frightful, it was for the 
adherents of Rome and the Catholic hierarchy, that just at the 
time when the founding of the Society of Jesus took place, as I 
have already pointed out in the first book of this work, Ger- 
many, as regards most of its provinces, had completely fallen 
away from Popery ; and in others where it still existed, for 
every single adherent of Rome there were to be reckoned at 
least twenty, or even thirty, heretics. The cloisters remained 
forsaken, while the monks and nuns had become the subjects of 
derision. Moreover, seeing that hardly anyone gave a thought 
to the regular Cathohc priesthood, it became all the more easy 
for the evangelical preachers, who were vastly in the majority, 
to take possession of all the churches of the land. So the 
flocks Ol Churchmen, still loyal to the old laith, continued to 

14 * 



decrease year by year, and there really seemed to be a certainty 
that the whole of Germany must be lost irretrievably, in the 
course of a few decades, should no effectual remedy be found for 
this fever of decay. But even this was not the sole cause for 
the greatest dismay, which arose from the extent of toleration, 
if not even of friendship and love, which had begun to spring up 
between Protestants and Catholics. After the first agitation 
which had been excited by the teaching .of Luther, and, more 
especially, after the conclusion of religious peace at Augsburg, 
the waves of rancour as regards faith began to subside ; and 
while persecution ceased, so also did the extreme division 
between Catholicism and Protestantism also dwindle and 
diminish. Both parties learned to bear with one another, and 
live peaceably among themselves, ceasing to insult and be 
inimical to each other. In the year 1564 it was thus rej)orted 
by the Venetian Ambassador to the Senate of his native city :— 

" One party has accustomed itself to put up with the other 
so well, that in any place where there happens to be a mixed 
population, httle or no notice is taken as to whether a person is 
Catholic or Protestant Not only villages, but even families are 
in this manner mixed up together, and there even exist houses 
where the children belong to one persuasion while the parents 
belong to the other, and where brothers adhere to opposite 
creeds. Catholics and Protestants, indeed, intermarry with each 
other, and no one takes any notice of the circumstance or offers 
any opposition thereto.^' 

Such were the relations between the two parties through- 
out the whole of Germany, so much so, indeed, that even the 
lordships subject to Abbots and Bishops,. the so-called episcopal 
territories, formed no exception to the rule, as best became 
apparent in the year 1580, when, at a time at which the blessing 
of toleration had already begun to disappear, the religiously 
zealous William V. of Bavaria made a proposal, in a circular 
letter addressed to those bishops whose dioceses extended into 
his dukedom, that ** they should allow mixed marriages to be 
blessed without scruple in the territories immediately subject to 
His Princely Highness." And even this act of toleration was 
by no means enough ! No, indeed ; but even mauy princes of 
the Catholic Church in Germany went even a step further, and 
appointed men who were thorough Protestants to situations at 



their Courts as counsellors, judges, magistrates, or whatever 
other oflBce it might be, without any opposition or objection 
being offered thereto.* They even, indeed, submitted to the 
reproaches and censure put upon them by the Apostolical Chair, 
without caring anything about the matter, as, for instance, the 
case of Bishop John George of Bamberg quite clearly indicated 
when the latter, in 1577, nominated the Lutheran, John 
Frederick von Hoffman, to his Vicedom in the canonical pos- 
sessions in Corinthia, and retained him in it up to the time of 
his death in 1587, notwithstanding that His HoHness Pope 
Gregory XIII. categorically demanded, in a special epistle, that 
this outrage should be cancelled. Things had indeed arrived at 
this pitch, and there could not, therefore, be any wonder that 
animosity and displeasure rose to their culminating point at the 
Papal seat of Rome. What, however, could be hit upon as a 
cure for this state of matters ? All that had hitherto been 
done in the way of remedy had proved of no avail, but on the 
contrary, indeed, the pestilential evil continued to be more and 
more on the increase, so much so, in truth, that there remained 
but a very inconsiderable number of all the secular princes, not 
even excepting the Duke of Bavaria and the ruler of the. Austrian 
territories, who remained faithful to the Roman belief. How 
was this? Had not the newly-created Society of Jesus inscribed 
war with heresy as a device upon its banner ? Had not the 
warriors of Christ, the Jesuits, taken an oath that they would 
never rest satisfied until they had won over again to the Pope 
all those parties who had relapsed from the faith, and had they 
not already given ample proof that they were as capable even 
as they were willing to maintain this oath ? Yes, indeed ; it 
was they who had in their minds the words of the founder 
of our religion, '* I am not come to bring peace, but the sword." 
It was they alone who were in a position to extirpate " the 
monsters who had devastated the vineyards," and to rivet again 
the holy Roman Empire in the old fetters. The Chair of Rome 
did not deliberate an instant in putting this difficult task upon 
their shoulders, and they themselves were equally zealous in 
the cause, and declared that they were prepared to undertake it. 

* There are a very great number of papal dispensations still extant, pre- 
served in episcopal libraries, from which it is apparent that such appoint- 
ments were not at all exceptional instances. (See Dalham, Conciiict 



i 1 




They well knew, also, the reason why they thus acted. They were 
fully conscious that if they succeeded in fulfilling the demands 
of the Apostolic Chair, they would be rewarded with the richest 
evidences of its favour, and that all the ground that they con- 
quered for Rome would be just so much gained for themselves, 
and that their dominating influence would become universal 
only when they had attained the reconversion of faithless 
Germany. They vowed, consequently, to take up arms in the 
field, as true knights of Catholicism, and as to how they per- 
formed this vow the following narrative will show. 
• The first Jesuits who favoured our Fatherland with their 
presence were the three Fathers Le Fevre, or Faber, as he was 
called in Germany, Le Jay, and Bobadilla. They were sent 
there by Ignatius himself, as I have already mentioned in the 
first book— Faber, indeed, in the year 1540, and the other two 
in the year following. He pointed out to them that the task 
that they had in common to execute was the sounding of the 
general condition of Germany at the time, and the spying as 
well into the innermost thoughts of the people. It was more 
especially requisite for them to acquire patrons and friends for 
themselves among those rulers still adhering to the Catholic 
faith, and to obtain advantages from them for the new Order, 
that no hindrances should stand in the way oi !heir reception. 
All three of them did as they were directed, but each according 
to his own way and idea ; and they certainly succeeded in sowing 
seed which, in a short time, became indeed a tree of gigantic 
dimensions. Faber directed his steps towards the Rhine, i.e. to 
Mayence, and to the Courts of two of the chief Prince Bishops 
of Germany, in order to induce them to establish Jesuit colleges 
in their territories, and, failing to succeed in that object, he 
made another conquest, which was of far greater value. This con- 
sisted in at once becoming acquainted with and gaining over for 
the Order, in xMay 1543, Peter Canisius, a theological candidate, 
and a youth at that time of three-and-twenty years of age, which 
stripling came from Nimwegen in Gelderland, belonging to 
Mayence. But this, of itself, was indeed an immense conquest," 
as Canisius was endowed with extraordinary intellect, and, in 
addition to great learning, possessed such a talent of eloquence as 
few mortals were then gifted with. Canisius naturally did not enter 
ipto the Order with the object of doing penance, but he perceived 



at a glance what an immense field for ambition was presented 
by the Society of Jesus, and it became his great desire to play 
a distinguished role in the worl.d. He, indeed, succeeded in this 
last respect almost beyond all expectation, as we shall presently 
see, and no single member of the Order accomplished more, in 
Germany at all events. 

Bobadilla commenced his operations at first in Ratisbon, 
where, just at that time, a religious conference was going 
on between the Protestant and Catholic theologians ; but he 
launched out so violently in a very vehement speech against 
Protestantism, that he exasperated the people to such an extent that 
he would soon have been thrown by them into the Danube had he 
not succeeded in efi'ecting his escape in the darkness of the night. 
He got on much better in Munich, to which capital he now wended 
his way from Ratisbon, as he there established a position by the 
intruction he gave to a number of pupils, and after a lapse of 
some years he contrived by his courteous manner so to worm 
himself into the good graces of Duke William IV., that the 
latter would hardly do anything without his advice. He 
equally succeeded, also, without much trouble, in putting up 
that prince against the so-called " Interim," which the Emperor 
Charles V. wished to introduce all over Germany in the year 
1548, so much so that it met with no success, at least in 
Bavaria ; but, on the other hand, he was so short-sighted and 
injudicious as to give utterance to such insulting remarks about 
the Emperor, that Charies V., on being informed about the 
matter, made short work of it, and without any further ado 
banished him out of Germany. 

Le Jay, the most experienced of the three delegated Loyolites, 
directed his steps towards the capital of Austria, and scarcely 
had he arrived there than he succeeded in fascinating the 
Viennese by his eloquent preaching. The brother of Charies V., 
Ferdinand I., who had been raised up to be a German king, was 
so carried away by his eloquence, and thereby became so favour- 
ably disposed towards him, that he desired in 1546 to make him 
Bishop of Trieste, which, however, as already mentioned in the first 
book, Loyola on good grounds interfered to prevent. Le Jay, 
consequently, continued to remain in Vienna, and exercised so 
much influence upon the King, that he induced the latter to erect 
a college for the Order in the above-mentioned city ; up to this 



time there bad been no fixed habitation for the Society through- 
out the whole of Germany, but now, if only the capital would 
but lead the dance, other towns would doubtless follow suit. 
Still, notwithstanding the favour in which Le Jay stood at Court, 
and in spite of his being zealously supported in his proceed- 
ings by his trusted friend. Urban Tertor, the Father Con- 
fessor of Ferdinand, and Court preacher, the King hesitated 
for a long time, and it was not till the year 1.551 that he 
handed over to the supplicant an abandoned Dominican cloister, 
which during the siege of Vienna by the Turks had been reduced 
almost to ruins by the bombardment. Le Jay, however, at once 
jumped at this, rejoicing beyond measure thereat, and presently 
begged Loyola to send him a dozen more Jesuits from Rome, in 
order that he might be enabled with these newly-acquired forces 
to commence a course of collegiate instruction. The General, 
too, of course, immediately complied with his request, and not 
only sent him at once eleven Fathers most distinguished for 
their gift of teaching, but nominated Le Jay to be the first 
rector of the first Jesuit colony established on German ground. 
Such was the modest commencement of Jesuit operations in 
Germany ; now, however, that the Society of Jesus had once taken 
the first step, which was followed by the activity of the Fathers 
Laynez, Salmeron, and Couvillon, at the Synod of Trent,* and 
had won a good reputation among the adherents of Rome, it pro- 
ceeded to advance with gigantic strides, and Austria, more 
especially, proved itself to be a promising soil for its operations. 
Le Jay having died in the year following his nomination as 
" Rector of the first Jesuit colony," Canisius was chosen to be 
his successor, and this sagacious individual so contrived to in- 
sinuate himself into the confidence of King Ferdinand, that he 
soon became a most prominent person at Court, at least in clerical 
and religious affairs, so much so, indeed, that the King desired 
to nominate him Bishop of Vienna, and it required no end of 
trouble to divert the monarch's mind from this idea. Now, how- 

F«*tW J«TL^ t""^ 1° ^?!?J®' on whose commission the above-mentioned 
ft the svno^ wL '^''* ^' Theologians of the Pope, possessed none present 
thanllvnil^ vT ^«^^^^^ly. «ombated for its rights, real or assumed, 
S h« /Jl^ ^^'^ ^""^ companions. These three proved themselves, also 
to be determmed enemies of church reforms, and even the very clearest 

lTr^o«7rr*T' °PP^'^"? ^y *^^^' ^i*^ ^ determination which approached 
almost to fanaticism. The particulars concerning this are to be found in 

^eBEenberg^sHUtory of Great Assemblies of the Church. 



ever, that Canisius, having arrived at this point, was obliged by 
order of his General to play a modest and humble part, so that 
something, one way or other, should be gained for the advantage 
of the Order, he showed himself all the more zealous. Among 
other things, he brought it about in 1554 that Ferdinand 
presented the beautiful and capacious Carmelite cloister to the 
Society in order that it might be converted into a Jesuit college, 
and also he obtained, two months later, another large building 
with the object of founding a civil convent, and four years after- 
wards a seminary sprang^ into existence for poor theologians, as 
well as an educational establishment for the youth of the nobility. 
Moreover, not only did the strongly credulous Ferdinand pro- 
vide pleasant abodes for the sons of Loyola in his capital of 
Vienna, but he did so also in other parts of his dominions, and, 
indeed, throughout the whole of his empire, upon the openly 
declared ground *' that bounds might be put to the constantly 
increasing progress of the Reformation." Some of these esta- 
blishments were indeed very grand and imposing, especially that 
at Innsbruck in the Tyrol, and at Tyrnau in Hungary, as well 
as at Prague in Bohemia (previously the cloister of St. Clements). 
This latter college was provided with exceedingly rich endow- 
ments, and, indeed, after being established for seven years, was, 
in the year 1562, raised to be a regular academy for the study of 
theological and philosophical sciences, thereby enabling it to put 
itself in a position to enter into competition with the greatly 
celebrated University of Prague. In Bavaria, at the same time, 
Bobadilla had obtained a promise, in 154H, from Duke William 
IV., that he would erect a college for the Order ; but so long as 
William lived this promise remained unfulfilled, in consequence 
of Bobadillas banishment, and still less did his successor 
Albert V., who at the commencement of his reign showed him- 
self to be very tolerant in religious matters, think of attracting 
to himself the Jesuits who remained in the country. This tole- 
ration was not by any means agreeable to the liking of the sons 
of Loyola, and, indeed, the Duke was suspected of being secretly, 
in his inmost mind, inclined himself to be favourable to heresy. 
Nothing could actually have been more untrue ; but what did that 
signify, when by a falsehood one might succeed in gaining one's 
end ; and the Loyolites, indeed, attained t/ieir object ! The 
Puke was, therefore, in the highest degree irritated whe» the com^ 




munication \9as made to him, by those about him, of the estima- 
tion in which he was held by his orthodox subjects, and the 
wily Canisius took advantage of this irritation when he was sent 
fromA^ienna to Munich in 1555, with great recommendations 
in his pocket from King Ferdinand, in order to represent to 
the great man how that there was no more effectual means of 
counteracting the injurious suspicion placed upon him than to 
welcome as his protector the Society of Jesus, now treated with 
so great consideration by the Pope and all good Catholics. This 
enlightened the Duke considerably, and he at once bound himself, 
in a treaty concluded with Canisius, on the 7th December 1555, 
to build a grand college for the Order at Jngoldstadt, with a 
considerable endowment. He not only promised this, but also 
expedited the construction of the building so rapidly that the 
institution was actually opened in the year following, with ten 
Jesuit teachers sent in haste from Rome. Still not satisfied 
with such success, the insatiable Canisius longed to establish 
a permanent abode in the Bavarian capital itself and did not 
rest until he induced Albert V. to erect, in the year 1559, that 
beautiful college in Munich, the construction of which is even 
now an object of admiration to all connoisseurs in art. With 
the approval of his General in Rome, having now first of all 
appointed his step-brother Theodor Canisius to be the first 
rector of the institution, Peter Canisius returned to Vienna, in 
order to pursue his work as first Provincial of the Jesuit pro- 
vince of Upper Germany, comprising the countries of Austria, 
Bavaria, and Suabia. From this time forward, the founding of 
new colleges proceeded vigorously, and eapecially in the terri- 
tories of those German princes of the Church in which the 
majority of the inhabitants had become Protestants. 

The Jesuits now commenced a system of sending out in- 
sinuating emissaries, who travelled through the countries by 
order of their General, with the view of bringing the most con- 
spicuous of the prelates to the conviction that the question of 
their sway, or, at all events, of its permanency, not only 
depended upon the obedience of their subjects in regard to 
spiritual matters, wherein they had become in a measure inde- 
pendent, but that political considerations as well must not be 
ovoriooked, for it might one day happen that their sceptre 
might be wrested from them, ia which case the people woul(J 


reckon upon the support of the neighbouring Protestant princes. 
" Against such a danger, it should always be considered that 
the most effectual counteracting means would be the return of 
the whole population to Catholicism, and without doubt the men 
best fitted to bring about this desirable object would be the 
members of the Society of Jesus, who, it was well known, had 
for their chief aim the conversion of heretics." 

Such-like representations seldom remained without effect, 
and, above all others, the Cardinal Bishop of Augsburg, Otto 
Truchsess von Waldburg, accorded to them his approval. He 
hastened, therefore, in the year 1 563, to establish a college for 
the sons of Loyola in Dillingen, and at once handed over, to 
their guidance, charge of the High School there, which he had 
founded fourteen years previously. It was more, difficult for 
him, however, to open to them the gates of Augsburg itself, 
as the magistrates, as well as his own chapter, opposed with 
all their might the settlement therein of the sons of Loyola 
At length, however, but only after the death of Bishop Otto, in 
the year 1579, the founding — under tolerably restricted con- 
ditions-— of a Jesuit college wos successfully effected, and the 
very wealthy, as well as very bigoted Fugger family, took good 
care that it was sufficiently well endowed. Jesuit settlements 
were, furthermore, established in Würtsburg, in the year 1564, 
through the Bishop at that time reigning there, Friedrich von 
Wirsberg, as also, four years subsequently, in Mayance and 
Aschaffenburg by the influence of Archbishop Daniel, who also 
endowed both of them very richly. In the year 1570 the same 
thing was done by Archbishop James III. of Treves ; or, rather, 
he merely carried out what his predecessor John VI. had already 
projected. Upon this, then, followed the establishment of the 
Colleges of Foulda (1573), and of Heiligenstadt, Eichsfelde, 
Cologne, Coblentz, as well as Spiers, the last four in the year 

I have, finally, still to mention the colleges, seminaries, 
and residences in Ratisbon (1589), in Munster (1589), in 
Kildesheim, and in Paderborn, all of which, with the excep- 
tion of the latter, which had Bishop Theodor von Furstenberg to 
thank for its existence, were called into being by members of 
the Bavarian ducal house, who derived their origin from the 
Wittlesbach family, all of whom were bishops. 





We see, then, that within a few decades the Jesuits made right 
good progress, although not such as they had effected in Spain, 
Italy, and Portugal. They had achieved this result, however, not 
by any means without contention and strife ; for the municipalities 
at the time being, as well as frequently the regular clergy, along 
with the chapters, considered it expedient to throw every con- 
ceivable obstacle in the way of their settling, and not seldom the 
help of the Emperor was invoked, as the highest authority of 
the German Empire When, however, it had got as far as this, 
at least as long as Ferdinand I. reigned, the Jesuits could 
readily count upon a decision in their favour, and even his 
successor and son, Maximilian II. (1564-76) was not, indeed, 
altogether antagonistic to them. This celebrated monarch 
observed more toleration than any of the House of Hapsburg, 
either before or after him ; and, if he did not exactly grant to 
his Protestant subjects an entirely free exercise of their religion, 
it was that he did not, on the same ground, consider it well to do 
aught to imperil, in any way, the existence of the Society of Jesus. 
He was anxious, rather, to deal justly towards all and everyone, 
and when, in the year 1566, the Austrian Parliament, the members 
of which, being then almost all thoroughly Protestant, demanded 
the complete expulsion of the Jesuits from the Grand Duchy, 
he replied : " That is the Pope's affair ; it rested with me to 
drive out the Turks — not, however, the sons of Loyola." One 
cannot, therefore, designate the time of Maximilian II. 's Govern- 
ment as being at all unfavourable to the Order of Jesuits ; and, 
still less was this the case under his successor, Rudolph II., who 
reigned from 1570 to 1612. This monarch, at the particular 
desire of his relative Philip IL, King of Spain, was educated 
in Madrid until his twentieth year, and it may be well imagined 
how the Jesuits, all-powerful at that Court, knew how to bring 
their influence to bear upon the shy, weak, and unstable prince. 
They got him, indeed, completely in their power ; and as they 
moulded him to their wishes in his youth, they also led him 
during his manhood, and, with Father Lorenz Magius,at their 
head, kept him in leading-strings throughout the whole period 
of his government. Consequently, on ascending the throne 
in the year 1580, he immediately presented to them the vacant 
cloister of St. Anne in Vienna, with all its rich possessions, and 
similarly, in the year 1581, he conferred great privileges upon 


the Jesuit College founded at Olmutz by. Bishop William 
Brussinowski von Kiczkowa, and, moreover, even permitted the 
erection of another Jesuit colony at Brunn in Moravia. He 
gave, also, his support to the efforts of the Order to form a 
settlement at Glatz in Silesia, as well as at Thurocz in Hungary, 
overcoming all the difficulties advanced by the Parliaments of 
Silesia and Hungary, although they cleariy represented how 
inadmissible was the way in which the Jesuits proceeded to 
install themselves. For this reason, indeed, the sons of Loyola 
refrained from censuring their great patron when he succeeded 
in finding favour in the eyes of several of the Court ladies, 
and even when he occasionally descended amongst the hum- 
blest of their ranks, and sometimes conducted himself with 
force and violence towards his mistresses ; the Jesuits, indeed, 
rather encouraged him in his wild conduct, calling his atten- 
tion to new charms when they were of opinion that special 
advantages might be obtained for themselves through their 
possessors. As yet, however, the founding of colleges and the 
acquiring of settlements throughout the entirely, or partially, 
Catholic territories of Germany, was still far from being by any 
means satisfactory, as, in spite of the establishment of these 
colleges and settlements, the great majority of the Germans still 
adhered to the Protestant faith ; and as long as this was the case 
there could be no question as to the proper sway of the Order of 
Jesus in the Koman Empire. " Wholesale conversion " must 
follow, if anything of great importance was to be effected, and, 
in order to pave the way for this, it must be necessary to put an 
end to the friendly intercourse which had hitherto subsisted 
among the Catholics and Protestants. The old rancour between 
the two opposite faiths, which for several decades had remained 
dormant, must again be stirred up ; and the spectre of religious 
fanaticism must no longer be allowed to remain chained in hell, 
to which it had lor some time been consigned. When things 
came so far as this, that the Catholics had been roused to 
entertain resentment, and more especially the rulers among 
them had been excited to such a pitch of anger as earnestly to 
desire the complete extermination of heresy, then, indeed, might 
the visor be thrown aside, the time having at length arrived for 
conversion by force to be initiated, and then, also, might the 
expectation ol tinal victory be entertained. In the meantime, 






through the royal House of Hapsburg, the two most mighty 
thrones in the world, those of Spain and Austria, had been 
secured, together with a number of the neighbouring provinces. 
Moreover, was not powerful Bavaria, and were not all of the* 
Catholic Principalities, on their side ? and what was even of still 
greater consequence, were not the Protestants themselves divided 
into two parties, who were so inimical towards each other that 
their large numerical preponderance was not by any means a 
real one, but existed only on paper ? Certainly the division of 
Evangelicals into the two sects of Lutherans and Calvinists 
must, of itself, be a great advantage for Catholicism, and when 
once an established hatred had been thoroughly roused between 
them, or, at least, when such a feeling was known to exist, 
unanimity could never again be brought about among themj 
and then, indeed, would they not be weakened by at least one 
half? Such was the remarkably shrewd calculation respecting 
the situation made by the Jesuits, and the honour of the dis- 
covery or, at any rate, of its practical application, was due, 
before all other able heads, to Father Peter Canisius, to whom 
I have already made frequent allusion. The mode in which 
he proceeded to carry out his projects was, besides, not open 
or straightforward; hjs means were rather sly and stealthy, like 
the steps of a cat. At the period that the operations of the 
Jesuits in Germany began, almost all religious education was in 
the hands of the Protestants, and those for the most part firmly 
adhered to the catechism of Luther, which, indeed, reflected the» 
Evangelical faith in short, clear, and distinct formulas. Every 
one, even among the common people, could easily under- 
stand his catechism, and on that account it was to be found 
in every school and almost in every family. It might well be 
affirmed, indeed, that the great extension to which Protestantism 
had at that time attained was in no small degree to be attri- 
buted to that popularly written little religious book. But how 
was it now, in this respect, in the Catholic world ? Ah I they did 
not possess any work at all approaching to it, but the whole of 
their religious instruction was confined entirely to the public 
devotional exercises prescribed by the priesthood, namely, the 
Mass, the Creed, and the Lord's Prayer, along with process'ions. 
Consequently, it now entered into the head of (Janisius to 
supply this notorious want, by publishing a handbook of Uutliolio 


instruction, after the pattern of the Lutheran catechism, and 
therefore, in the year 1554, there appeared, written in Latin, 
his Su.una Doctrine. Chnstian<B, that is to say, Tke Summary 
of Chnstian Feaching. But while the Summa entered con- 
.siderably into details, he prepared, at the same time, an abridge- 
ment of it, after the form of the smaller Lutheran catechism, 
under the title of Imtitutiones ChristiancB pietatis, seu parvus 
Katechismus Katholicorum ^ and also took care that a German 
translation as well should appear of this - small Catholic cate- 
chism. Both of these publications soon found an enormous 
circulation, as Ferdinand L of Austria (l^th August 1554) as 
well as King Philip IL of Spain (6th December 1557), ordered 
their general introduction into all schools and educational- insti- 
tutions within their dominions ; the best proof thereof was that 
thirty years after its first appearance the Summa had already 
reached its four hundredth edition, while, at the same time 
the small catechism was to be found in neariy every Catholic 
house m town or country. But what were the principles which 
were inculcated by these Principles of Christian Piety '> Was 
there any of the spirit of Christianity or of Christian love 
contained in them ? No, no ; oh, three times no ! It was the 
spirit of intolerance that was therein displayed, the spirit of 
religious rancour, the spirit of religious fanaticism. 

" Only he was a Christian " (according to the teaching of 
Canisius) " who acknowledged the Pope as the representative of 
Christ; those, on the other hand, who did not do so were 
deserving of the punishment of eternal hell-fire." He even con- 
demned " the holding of any intercourse whatever with heretics 
as highly deserving of punishment and supremely dangerous on 
account of contagion; but friendship with apostates, or, in a 
still greater degree, connection with them by marriage, led to 
immediate damnation, and the good Catholic must avoid every 
Protestant as he would a person tainted with leprosy. He 
must, indeed, not only sbun him, but he must fight against 
him, as one has to contend with the wicked, and the more 
valorously one carries on the combat, the more one contri- 
butes to the extermination of heresy, so that the rays in the halo 
surrounding the head of the beloved Son of the only blessed 
Church should thus shine more brightly.*' 
In this way did Canisius teach, and the great aim and 



' '*_-i 




through the royal House of Hapsburg, the two most mighty 
thrones in the world, those of Spain and Austria, had been 
secured, together with a number of the neighbouring provinces. 
Moreover, was not powerful Bavaria, and were not all of the 
Catholic Principalities, on their side ? and what was even of still 
greater consequence, were not the Protestants themselves divided 
into two parties, who were so inimical towards each other that 
their large numerical preponderance was not by any means a 
real one, but existed only on paper ? Certainly the division of 
Evangelicals into the two sects of Lutherans and Calvinists 
must, of itself, be a great advantage for Catholicism, and when 
once an established hatred had been thoroughly roused between 
them, or, at least, when such a feeling was known to exist, 
unanimity could never again be brought about among them; 
and then, indeed, would they not be weakened by at least one 
^ half? Such was the remarkably shrewd calculation respecting 

the situation made by the Jesuits, and the honour of the dis- 
covery or, at any rate, of its practical application, was due, 
before all other able heads, to Father Peter Canisius, to whom 
I have already made frequent allusion. The mode in which 
he proceeded to carry out his projects was, besides, not open 
or straightforward ; his means were rather sly and stealthy, like 
the steps of a cat. At the period that the operations of the 
Jesuits in Germany began, almost all religious education was in 
the hands of the Protestants, and those for the most part lirmly 
adhered to the catechism of Luther, which, indeed, reflected the» 
Evangelical faith in short, clear, and distinct formulas. Every 
one, even among the common people, could easily under- 
stand his catechism, and on that account it was to be found 
in every school and almost in every family. It might well be 
affirmed, indeed, that the great extension to which Protestantism 
had at that time attained was in no small degree to be attri- 
buted to that popularly written little religious book. But how 
was it now, in this respect, in the Catholic world ? Ah I they did 
not possess any work at all approaching to it, but the whole of 
their religious instruction was confined entirely to the public 
devotional exercises prescribed by the priesthood, namely, the 
Mass, the Creed, and the Lord's Prayer, along with processions. 
Consequently, it now entered into the head of (Janisius to 
supply this notorious want, by publishing a handbook of Cutlioiio 



The powebful influence of the jesüits. 223 

instrucüon, after the pattern of the Lutheran catechism, and 
therefore, m the year 1554, there appeared, written in Latin, 
his Sum,»a Doctrin^e Chnstian<e, that is to say. The Summary 
of Chruuan reaching. But while the Summa entered con- 
siderably into details, he prepared, at the same time, an abridge- 
ment of it, after the form of the smaller Lutheran catechism 
under the title of Institutiones GhristiavcB pietatis, seu parvus 
Katechtsmus Katholicorum , and also took care that a German 
translation as well should appear of this " small Catholic cate- 
chism. Both of these publications soon found an enormous 
circulation, as Ferdinand L of Austria (lath August 1554) as 
well as King Philip IL of Spain (6th December 1557), ordered 
their general introduction into all schools and educational- insti- 
tutions within their dominions ; the best proof thereof was that 
thirty years after its first appearance the Summa had already 
reached its four hundredth edition, while, at the same time 
the small catechism was to be found in nearly every Catholic 
house in town or country. But what were the principles which 
were inculcated by these Principles of Christian Piety "> Was 
there any of the spirit of Christianity or of Christian love 
contained in them ? No, no ; oh, three times no ! It was the 
spirit of intolerance that was therein displayed, the spirit of 
religious rancour, the spirit of religious fanaticism. 

" Only he was a Christian - (according to the teaching of 
Canisius) " who acknowledged the Pope as the representative of 
Christ; those, on the other hand, who did not do so were 
deserving of the punishment of eternal hell-fire." He even con- 
demned " the holding of any intercourse whatever with heretics 
as highly deserving of punishment and supremely dangerous on 
account of contagion; but friendship with apostates, or, in a 
still greater degree, connection with them by marriage, led to 
immediate damnation, and the good Catholic must avoid every 
Protestant as he would a person tainted with leprosy. He 
must, indeed, not only shun him, but he must fight against 
him, as one has to contend with the wicked, and the more 
valorously one carries on the combat, the more one contri- 
butes to the extermination of heresy, so that the rays in the halo 
surrounding the head of the beloved Son of the only blessed 
Church should thus shine more brightly." 
In this way did CanisiuB teach, and the great aim and 





object of his religious handbook could be looked upon as nothing 
else than an endeavour to propagate the extension of hatred 
among the Catholics towards the non-Catholic community. He 
also fully attained this object, as a more poisonous seed of the 
dragon was never sown than in this case, while the whole of 
the Catholic rising generation was henceforth brought up in 
accordance with this said spirit of religious rancour. Now, 
moreover, as this fanatic hatred began to take root, oppor- 
tunity must, of course, be given for it to express itself; and 
on that account, in the year 1570, the Jesuits determined, by 
an arbitrary rupture of religious peace, to initiate a kind of 
Protestant persecution in a small way. This persecution was 
at the same time to be a sort of touchstone, whereby to show 
whether the Evangelicals would allow of it without at once 
taking up arms; and according as it turned out, one might 
either in this way proceed further, or temporise for some time 
longer. It was not, indeed, necessary to consider long where to 
carry out the tragedy now about to commence, for an opportunity 
at this time offered itself respecting the princely Abbey of Fulda, 
one of the smallest priestly principalities of Germany. It was 
here, at the beginning of the year 1570, that Balthasar von 
Dernbach, a priest brought up in the Protestant faith, but who 
had only latterly gone over to Catholicism, had been elected 
Abbot ; immediately after his installation, he summoned the 
Jesuits to his small court, notwithstanding that previous to his 
accession to the Government he had bound himself by an oath 
not to burden the bishopric with any foreign ecclesiastics. The 
sons of Loyola, naturally enough, came, and at once began to 
make themselves at home ; they at the same time urged upon 
their protector that he should come forward as a hero of the 
faith, and restrain his Protestant subjects, who for several 
generations had lived unmolested, from the free exercise of 
their religion. The zealot Balthasar, like all new converts, 
acted at once with vigour, and not only turned to the right- 
about the pair of Evangelical clergymen in his diocese, but even 
banded over their churches to the Jesuits, in order that they 
might from that time conduct public worship therein. This 
oppressive action of the Abbot created an enormous uproar 
throughout Germany, and the most prominent Evangelical 
members of Parliament took up the cause of the poor oppressed 


people, writing at the same time to their oppressor, demanding 
that he should remove the Jesuits and discontinue his oppres- 
sive measures. On the other hand, however, he received the 
highest approval of his conduct from the Pope, as well as from 
the Romanists on German soil ; and Albert V. of Bavaria, as 
well as the Archduke Ferdinand of Austrian Tyrol, promised 
him their strenuous support. Both parties now finally appealed 
to the Emperor, and seeing that at that time Maximilian II. was 
in possession of that dignity, it was fully expected that strict 
justice would be done. The question, however, did not actually 
come before the Emperor for his decision, as the Chapter of 
Fulda, who were equally in the highest degree incensed at the 
appointment of the Jesuits, by the aid of the united knighthood 
of Hesse insisted upon the abdication of Balthasar in June 
I57Ö, and handed over the administration of the Abbey to 
Bishop Julius of Würzburg, who put an end to the discontent by 
^he removal of the Jesuits.* As it was now indubitably appa- 
rent, as the result of their proceedings in Fulda, that the Pro- 
testants hesitated to have resort to arms, the sons of Loyola 
saw fit to begin the same game in some of the other archi- 
episcopal states, and they selected the Archbishopric of Mayence 
for their purpose. In this territory Protestantism had by de- 
grees become so established that some of the villages and towns, 
more especially Düderstadt and Heiligenstadt, contained only a 
few Catholic families, nor was it uncommon that Lutheran clergy- 
men were actually appointed by Catholic patrons. No opposition 
had been offered to this state of matters, and the burgesses of 
both confessions lived quite cordially together during several 
decades. It was quite different, however, in this respect, on the 
accession of Arcb>ishop Daniel, as he selected as his Father 
Confessor the Jesuit Louis Backarell, and moreover, the Jesuit 
Provincial of the Lower Rhine, Father Tyreus, obtained the 
greatest influence over him. At the instigation of Backarell and 
Tyreus, Daniel declared himself ready to commence purifying 
the whole of the bishopric from heresy, and ßs it had more par- 

• It was not for long, however, as I shall presently remark. After much 
strife and contention, the deposed Abbot was restored in the year 1602 
under the Emperor Rudolph H., and he thereupon immediately recalled 
his beloved Jesuits. He also succeeded, with their assistance, in bringing ■ 
over agam his whole country to CathoUcism, and on that account ho 
Obtained a special letter of thanks from Pope Clement ym. 





..ticularjyidomeftticated itself in a t)lace ealled Eichsfeld, he nomi- 
nated a certain Leopold von Stralendorf as chief magistrate of 
öAat diatrict, a man whom the Jesuit Lamhert Auer had con- 

- wetted to the only saving Church from the Protestant faith. 

This person might, indeed, he. called a man after the heart of 
i.the Order of Jesus, and his zeal was so great that he carried 
out the expulsion of the Protestant ecclesiastics from all of the 
»irillages of his circle. He had, indeed, at his disposal, to assist 
I him in this work, an armed troop, who made short work with 
, the contumacious, and he might he pretty well sure that even 
the hardest of his regulations would meet with the hearty 
.approval of the ruler, or rather of the Jesuits as rulers of the 
r ruler. The inhabitants of Diiderstadt alone showed any hesita- 
tion in deciding upon giving over their churches to the Jesuits 
. for them to conduct their religious services therein, and declared 
themselves prepared to meet force hy force. ^ 

What did the Archbishop do now hy the advice of Stralendorf 
and his Father Confessor? He forthwith prohibited all hiö 
iBubjects (1576) from procuring beer from the contumacious 
-town, and thereby deprived it of a chief source of existence. 
Besides this, he also levied taxes upon the civic revenues of all 
-the surrounding villages, with the alternative of arrest in 
case of failure, and. finally, in this way, compelled the bur- 
gesses to give in after a continued resistance of three years' : 
-duration. j 

In the Archbishopric of Mayence, then, the Jesuits succeeded 

* in their aim, as to the suppression of heresy, without any very 
1 great diflBculty, and this circumstance, therefore, gave them 

- encouragement to proceed in the same manner in the Bishopries 
of Treves and Worms. Here, also, everything went in jiccord- 

tftnce with their wishes, or, at all events, mostly so, and on 

• this account their courage assumed always increasing dimen- 
«sions. Still, however, they would never have dared to offer 

opposition to Protestantism with even more startling bold- 
ness, had it not been for a peculiar case which showed them 
that they might with impunity attempt anything, even of the 
most foolhardy nature, against their antagonists, though the 
latter were by far numerically superior to them, and this 
peculiar case was the celebrated defection of the Archbishop 
Gebhard of Cologne from the Catholic faith. 

. J 


Gehhardhad sprang from the celebrated house of the Truoh- 
sissen (grandmasters) of Waldberg. Those who wish to read 
■the whole story in detail, may do so either in my own or some 
(Other history of Germany ; but we may here in a few words relate 
ohow that the said Gebhard, after he had succeeded, in 1670, with 
much trouble, in getting himself raised to the dignity of arch- 
bishop, no lesser a personage than Duke Ernest, of Bavaria 
being his fellowt candidate for this distinguished position, and 
»shortly after his elevation to it, was seized with such a violent 
passion for the beautiful Countess Agnes von Mansfeld, that he 
. could no longer live without her. The question with him now 
ccame to be, what was he to do under the circumstances? 
! Should he abdicate as his predecessor Salentin von Isenberg 
»had: done, who, with the Pope's approval, had reverted to 
lithe, condition of layman in order to be in a position to ! be 
? able, to marry ? Must he abdicate, and instead of being a 
J irioh and electoral prince, with almost royal consideration and 
income, become again ! a poor count ? No, by no means ; 
that was, indeed, too much to be demanded of him ; and 
consequently Gebhard determined to ^ adopt another way of 
rgetting out of the difficulty, namely, he openly went over to the 
.hProtestant faith in i the year 1582, and married his beloved 
Agnes; he i did not, however, on that account, relinquish the 
Bishopric of Cologne, but, on the contrary, continued to reign as 
he had dona hitherto, and with the publicly expressed avowal of 
-making it henceforth an heritable ; Electorate. In this bold 
wuüdertafcing, : he, .of course, naturally, reckoned upon) having 
! the support of thö great Protestant party of Germany, as it- was 
(Of great importance to them to have onei Catholic ^Electoral hat 
the less in the Empire ; and, moreover, it mighty ^he considered, 
. be looked upon asi^a certainty that most of, theuinhahitantsof 
t the Archbishopno! would follow itha example«, of their ruler, >and 
: go over to the Evangelical faith. What» a gain would there 
1 then be for Protestant interests, and, at the same, time, what a 
blow would be dealt to Catholicism if Gebhard carried out htis 
idntention ! AH the friends ofi Borne were xwnsequenUy at once 
.seized with panic and horror, and more especially, »the Jesuits^tus 
{-soon. as they heard this news; so messengers were, immediately 
: sent) off to Italy, in order to get the Pope, Gregory XIII., to 
I launch instantly hiaNanath^ma upon.(tbe>apostatev prince otibe 

15 • 



Church. This took place, and even more than this, indeed, for 
Gregory not only excommunicated Gebhard, but also pronounced 
upon him the sentence of deposition from the Electorate, thereby 
giving a slap on the face to German rights. The Chapter of the 
Cathedral, which was now assembled outside of Cologne, pro- 
ceeded to a new election in the year 1583, and the choice fell 
upon Duke Ernest of Bavaria. As Gebhard, however, would 
not voluntarily yield, but resisted to the uttermost, the former 
brought against him a powerful army, to which flocked his 
brothers and cousins, as well as many other high Catholic per- 
sonations, at the instigation of the Jesuits ; and, aided with 
money and men, proceeded to seize upon the Bishopric by force. 
What now took place on the side of the Protestant princes ? 
They saw very well that, as the whole German world friendly to 
the Pope now embraced the side of Ernest of Bavaria, Gebhard 
must of necessity be defeated if powerful aid was not given to 
him, nor did it escape their observation that great advantages 
would accrue to the Protestant Church were the victory to be on 
the side of Gebhard, and consequently no one in the world 
gifted with any sense doubted that the Catholic army would be 
encountered with a Protestant force. How differently, however, 
did it turn out ! Gebhard, poor man, had not, as it appeared, 
adopted the teaching of Luther, but, on the contrary, that of 
Calvin ; and as soon as the Lutheran princes became aware of 
this fact, they completely withdrew their support from him. 
They, in their spiritual narrow-mindedness, hated Calvinism even 
more than the Papal, or, indeed, the Turkish abomination ; how 
could they then give their countenance to an adherent of that 
faith ? Gebhard might, indeed, beg and pray as he would, and 
even bind himself to allow all his subjects to become Lutherans ; 
nothing could overcome the hatred of such faith among the 
Electors of Saxony, Brandenburg, and the like, and they looked 
with the gravest indifference and scorn at the further proceedings 
of the Witelsbacher. This was truly " more than brutal 
stupidity " — {helluina stupiditas) — writes a contemporary his- 
torian, the Swiss Gualtherus ; but the narrow-mindedness, of 
the Lutheran princes did not perceive this to be the case, 
not even when Gebhard, after losing Bonn, the last of his 
strongholds, was compelled to fly to Holland in the year 1Ö84 ; 
and when the new Archbishop, Ernest, compelled by force all 



his subjects, hitherto Lutherans, to return again to the Catholic 
faith. What a glorious triumph now was this for the Catholics, 
and more especially for the Jesuits. More than this, with 
what heartfelt scorn did the latter look down upon the wrong- 
headed Lutherans, whose blindness, disorganisation and weakness 
were now apparent to everyone. The natural result of this 
victory, gained at Cologne, was that the whole of the Episcopal 
sees, as they in future became vacant, were filled up by men 
Jesuitically minded; as, for instance, those of Freisingen, 
Wildesheim, Liege, Hablo, Munster, Osnabrück, Minden, and 
Paderborn. The first five, indeed, were all united together by 
Ernest of Bavaria, the Archbishop of Cologne, all were com- 
pletely in his hands, and one may well imagine what a fine 
kind of life was led by this spendthrift, without strength either 
of mind or body, and entirely governed by the Jesuits.* In the 
other three spiritual principalities it went otherwise, and only by 
a hairbreadth ; the Jesuits, however, had free scope to proceed 
with their operations of conversion within them without the least 
obstacle being placed in their way by either high or low. They 
also, indeed, succeeded in a comparatively short space of time 
in again bringing round to Koman Cathohcism all the Evan- 
gelicals in these territories ; and one might be tempted to feel 
astonishment at these stupendous results, were it not that 
taking into consideration the ways and means which they 
employed, the illusion is at once removed. This may best 
be made clear by an example, as in the case^f the Bishopric of 
Paderborn. Here Protestantism had, indeed, already taken deep 
root, and when, in the year 1 Ö85, the Jesuits' friend, Theodore 
von Fürstenburg, was raised to the throne, if one may be 
allowed to make use of the expression, hardly one tenth part of 
the whole population, both in the capital as well as throughout 
the territory, belonged to the old faith. In consequence of this 
state of matters, the whole of the magistracy, which were elected 
by the people, were worshippers of heresy ; and the ruler had, 
therefore, to take good care not to issue any order of an anti- 
Protestant sounding nature, otherwise not only would it be dis- 
obeyed, but it would be even treated with mockery and disdain. 

* The proof for this assertion can be read in Aretius' History of MaxU 
milian I., in which the miserable ^condition of Ernest, and his immoralityi 
are depicted. 

'•vv - 



On this account the Jesuits, aa they entered into the small 
kingdom along with Theodore von Fürstenburg, and obtained, 
from him money and the site for erecting a Jesuit College, said 
to themselves, **Here, at least at the commencement, nothing can 
be effected by the hitherto favourite means of force, but it will, . 
first of all, be necessary that the field-acre (as they termed the; 
territory of Paderborn), should be well prepared beforcy it could, 
to good purpose, be gone over with the plough." Experience 
had, a» previously shown, proved that certainly Protestant princes ^ 
and deputies need not be feared any more than formerly in 
Cologne; but the people of Paderborn must not be roused to 
anger, and thereby driven either to depose the Bishop, or to 
cause him to abdicate, and to give the Loyolites their conge ? 
Prudence, therefore, dictated that the faith of the people in their. 
Protestant belief must first of all be shaken, previous to the r 
Catholic faith being offered them, and, in order to accomplish ; 
this, one must not drive it into them with the fist. On the 
contrary, it is necessary to proceed with subtlety, modesty^, 
and humanity, as if one was unable to count even five. One » 
must conduct oneself like an innocent child in order to 
gain the confidence of the people, and, above everything else, . 
it is imperative to exhibit a halo of sanctity round the head, 
in order thereby to give Catholicism the appearance of being 
the sole saving faith. The sons of Loyola, therefore, acted 
thus, and proceeded, indeed, with a patience and perseverance 
worthy of all commendation. They found themselves, however, 
in an exceedingly difficult position, as the Paderbomers received^ 
them not only with extreme distrust, but even with the most . 
intense hatred, and they barely, indeed, escaped being stoned on > 
their making their appearance in the streets. Many, Jndeedy . 
entertained the conviction that the pious Fathers were not even 
made of flesh and blood, like other mortals, but that they were 
demons spewed out of hell; and the women, especially, were im 
the habit of frightening their children with the name of the^ 
Black Brotherhood. By degrees, however, people were brought 
to change their opinions and sentimeuts. Ah ! the Fathers con- 
ducted themselves so lovingly, and with such kindness of heart,. , 
that, in fact, it came even to be considered a sin to^think ill any 
longer of such angelic beings. They voluntarily attended upon 
the sick, and without any recompense or reward. They not 


only nursed them tenderly, but provided them also with food and 
drink when necessary. They educated the rising generation, 
too, without recompense; they not only educated them, indeed, 
but they even supplied the needy ones among the children with 
lodging and clothing, relieving the poorer parents of a burden 
which weighed heavily on their heart. Then, in addition to all 
this, wonderfully beautiful processions were introduced from 
time to time by the worthy Fathers, while, to crown all, 
the pageantry, pomp, and splendour of their religious services 
made an impression in the eyes of the non- Catholic population. 
They lastly, moreover, knew how to' make use of the credulity 
of the masses in the most cunning way, and especially of the 
women ; and from this time forward no daughter of Eve dared 
to work against them, as on one occasion a woman, who had 
hitherto been one of their most deadly enemies, had a mis- 
carriage — a circumstance which was represented by them as ai 
punishment from heaven. In short, they succeeded so well in 
gradually inducing the people of Paderborn to change their 
opinions that, in a period of less than eleven years, they wore no 
longer hated by the majority, as before, but even contrived to 
make no less than seven hundred and fifty proselytes. ^'^^ 

Having thus, then, got on so far as to consider that they had 
sufficiently prepared the soil, in order, as I have said before, 
to be able to go over it with the ploughshare, they now 
began to throw off their sheeps' clothing, and, on the other 
hand, to assume again their own true wolfskin. In other words 
they now urged their patron, the reigning Prince Bishop, to 
further the work of conversion by coercion, and, of course, 
Theodor von Fürstenberg promised to meet their wishes in every 
respect. He accordingly issued an order, in the year 1Ö96, 
-that all Protestant ecclesiastics should either revert to Catho- 
licism, or leave the country without the least further delay; 
whoever did not at once obey was imprisoned, and kept on bread 
and water until he at length became compliant. As a matter of 
course, he delivered over to the Jesuits, at the same time, all the 
churches belonging to the Protestants, and these did their best 
endeavour, and skilfully made use of all their persuasive powers, 
in order to instil into the people the doctrines of the old faiths. 
With many, too, they were successful ; but by far • the greater 
majority still remained stubborn, and after earnest exertions. 




extending over a period of six years, the sons of Loyola came 
to the conclasion that they would he unahle to attain their 
object by the means they had hitherto employed. The Bishop, 
therefore, by their advice, adopted another method, namely this, 
that all his Evangelical subjects were given the choice of 
becoming again Catholic, or of quitting the country ; a method 
which proved to be of a much more effectual nature. !Nor did 
be remain satisfied with this order only, but he stationed, at the 
S6une time, a number of troops about his dominions, with whose 
assistance the Jesuits knew well how to give expression to 
their episcopal teaching. In what manner did the burgesses 
of the towns and inhabitants of the country receive this 
frightfully cruel arrangement ? Eh ! part, indeed, did either 
become again Catholic, or emigrated to neighbouring countries; 
but another part now forsook the quiescent attitude which 
they had hitherto strictly maintained in regard to the law 
of the land, and, in their rage and fury, stormed the Jesuit 
College, threatening to put all its inmates to death. This, 
however, was a frightful mistake, for now the Jesuits had reason 
to call out *' Bebellion," and assured the Bishop that he would 
be quite justified in making short work with the mutineers. 
They next came to blows, and in the strife the burgesses, 
unaccustomed to the use of arms, and, besides, having no one to 
take the lead, were of course defeated. In short, it was not 
long ere the rebellion was suppressed, and the result was that, 
in the year 1604, the whole of the people of Paderborn had to 
abjure ^Protestantism, and pay homage afresh to their liege lord. 
In this manner the sons of Loyola attained their object in 
Paderborn ; and, in precisely the same manner, they set about 
the business of conversion to Catholicism from Protestantism in 
the remaining Principalities of which I have made mention. 
Still the results were, after all, of not so great consequence, as 
the above-named territories formed, relatively speaking,, but a 
small portion of Germany, and consequently there was no need 
for wonder when the pious Fathers were observed to brood over 
the matter day and night, considering whether it might not be 
possible for them, with the aid of the secular rulers, to purge, 
now this province, now that dukedom, or even that kingdom, of 
Evangelical teachers. More especially did tbey direct their 
attention in this respect to '' Inner Austria," as it happened to 



be governed by a man quite after their own heart; so here again 
their schemes met with success. King Ferdinand I. so divided 
by his will all his heritable possessions between his three sons, 
that the eldest, who became his successor directly in the Empire, 
obtained the Archduchy of Austria, along with Bohemia and 
Hungary ; the second-born, Ferdinand, the Tyrol, along with 
Outer Austria ; and the third, Carl, that of Inner Austria— that 
is to say, Styria, Carinthia, Krain, Görz, Istria, and Trieste. 
Now this Archduke Charies, the founder of the Styrian line of 
the House of Hapsburg, was held by the Loyolites in great 
estimation ; and they well knew what they were about, as the 
same duke had, in the year 1571, married Maria, daughter of 
Albert V. Duke of Bavaria, who, being a supremely pious Catholic, 
was esteemed by the Jesuits with the innermost devotion of their 
hearts. Having convinced herself that the greater part of Inner 
Austria at that time adhered to the Evangelical Church, she 
never ceased to din into the ears of her husband that there 
was no other means of preventing the complete overthrow of 
the true faith than by convoking the aid of the Black Brother- 
hood, and she soon succeeded in inducing her husband to 
believe in what she told him. He, consequently, made an 
application for his assistance to the General of the Order in 
Rome, who sent him, in the year 1 573, five members of the 
Society, at the same time promising that several others should 
immediately follow whenever there appeared to be need of them. 
Those üye, however, at once domesticated themselves in Gratz, 
the capital of the country, and soon obtained from their high 
patron so many buildings, together with so much money and 
property, that within the course of a few years they possessed a 
college and seminary for priests, and an educational establish- 
ment for the nobility. In spite, however, of accomplishing all 
this, they did not succeed in attaining great results as regards 
conversion; on the contrary, there appeared even to be an exten- 
sion of Protestantism more than ever since their advent, and 
the annals undoubtedly show that in the year 1580 not only the 
burgesses of most of the villages, market-places, and towns, but 
also almost the whole of the nobility, as well as by far the 
greater number of the Government officials, belonged to the 
Evangelical faith. This was a great grief to the pious Fathers, 
and the Father Confessor of the Archduke, the worthy Father 



Johannes, represented to his confessant that it would be neces- 
sary to adopt much stricter measures against the Protestants. 
The same course was followed by his spouse Maria in her 
curtain lectures, while her brother, the fanatical Duke William V. 
of Bavaria, in the year 1581, undertook on one occasion a 
journey to Gratz expressly in order personally to influence his • 
brother-in-law. The latter now actually began to waver, and 
issued at this time several enactments which restricted the free 
religious exercise of the Evangelical religion ; but as he hap- 
pened to be in financial diflSculties, from which he could only be 
relieved by his deputies, and as the latter would not suffer«* 
any serious Catholic attacks, he limited his whole proceedings 
against the Protestants to almost nothing. On the other hand, 
he endeavoured to indemnify his friends the Jesuits for his 
inactivity by a large distribution of favours, the most consider- 
able being this, that he raised their college in Gratz, in the year 
1585, to the dignity of a university, with all the rights and pri- 
vileges of such. In this way, as long as the Archduke Charles 
lived, all the desires of the sons of Loyola regarding religious 
matters were fulfilled in respect to Inner Austria; but things 
assumed a Very different aspect when, in the year 1590, his 
first-borUj the Archduke Ferdinand, who afterwards became thai 
Emperor Ferdinand II., succeeded him on the throne. This^ 
Prince, born in Gratz in the year 1578, was handed over to the 
Jesuits for his education, while yet in his very tender years, and 
his name appears in the matriculation books of the newly-founded 
University of Gratz. Still, at that time, although matriculated 
from the 25th November 1586, he was too young to be considered 
as a regular student; however, on the youth entering upon 
his twelfth year, his father, at the instigation of his brother- 
in-law, William V. of Bavaria, the great friend and patron of 
the Jesuits, sent him to the High School of Ingoldstadt, the > 
head-quarters of the sons of Loyola in Germany ; and here he • 
was, in company with William V., the first-born son of Maxi- 
milian, who, however, exceeded him in age by five years ; he 
was thus so excellently instructed in all the principles of 
Jesuitical state wisdom, under the special supervision of Duke 
William, that he might, at the age of eighteen, be looked upon 
as the perfect pattern of a Catholic ruler. 

'* All the good fortune, and all the blessing of a then existing 



good government," so taught the Jesuits, *^ depend upon the ' 
establishment of unity in the Catholic faith, as religious dispu- 
tations had brought about nothing but disorder into a State, and 
had roused the burgesses one against another. On that account 
a ruler who happened to be called to the throne during a time 
of distraction through religious dissensions in his country,- 
ought to look upon it as his first duty to accord no considera- 
tion whatever to heretics, and show such no toleration or for- 
bearance ; no means should be considered too stringent and no 
sacrifice should appear too dear in order to restore again the 
foundations of society, shattered by religious separation.*' * 

It is evidently perceptible that it was similar principles 
which made Philip IL of Spain to prosper, and consequently 
historians are quite right in reporting that his dear friend as ' 
well as cousin Ferdinand was only a true copy of his great 
Spanish model. 

" The same glowing, stifling hatred of all feeling of right and 
morality regarding the new religious convictions, the same dis- 
avowal of all truth and all faith, the same wicked toying with 
the solemnity of an oath and of the most solemn treaties, the 
same want of feeling in regard to the misery of peoples writhing 
in the agony of death, the same spiritual energy united to an 
almost stupid obstinacy in the prosecution of principles once 
determined upon, and, lastly, the same boundless rrrogance in 
respect to good fortune which almost demanded the wrath of 
heaven; in short, all the same poisonous principles and quali- 
ties which luxuriated in the Spanish Philip animated also the 
breasts of Ferdinand and Maximilian, and the two striplings 
left the High School of Ingoldstadt, in the year 1596, with the 
firm determination to devote their whole lives to the task of 
exterminating heresy." t 

In the year 1596, Ferdinand took charge of the government 
of his dominions, which since the death of his father had been 

• Compare Sugenheim*B • History of the Jesuit* in Genmnyt vol. i., 

pp. 119-120. . ^ r J IT. , 

t In a letter still extant (see Hormay's Archives of Geography and History 
for the Year 1812, p, 540) the Rector of the University of Ingoldstadt writes . 
to the Rector of the CoUege in Gratz :— " The Archduke Ferdinand has, up 
to this time, concluded the fourth year of his studies, and certainly with no 
small advantage. Nothing is spoilt which has been planted in so fruitful a 
soil, and the disposition of the good prince has been thus confirmed m such 
a way as nothing better could be desired." 






conducted by his guardians, and at once intimated to his cousin, 
the Emperor Rudolph II., that he would no longer tolerate the 
religious freedom which had hitherto subsisted in his territories. 
As, however, the Emperor in his reply reminded him of the 
great superiority of the Protestants, and at the same time 
gave him to understand that such conduct might very easily 
give rise to a bitter loss of his land and people, for the first 
two years he refrained from taking coercive measures of a very 
powerful nature. On the other hand, this time was employed in 
ascertaining, by means of trifling oppressions, whether the Pro- 
testants possessed courage enough to oppose force by force; 
and here the pious Fathers, who naturally undertook the busi- 
ness of feeling the national pulse, stepping forward, came to 
the conclusion that the Evangelicals of Inner Austria possessed 
far too great a respect for the legitimate rights of their princes, 
or, as it may be more properly expressed, an incarnate loyalty as 
subjects, to induce them ever to revolt. Upon this report being 
made to him, Ferdinand determined not to put off his under- 
taking any longer ; still, previous to that resolve, he made a 
journey to Rome, in the year 1598, in order to invoke the 
blessing of the Holy Father for the success of his work ; 
besides which, he carried out a pilgrimage to Loretto, where he 
solemnly renewed his "Generalissima" vow before the image 
of the Mother of God, to purge all his lands thoroughly of 
heresy. Hardly, however, had he returned from Rome, where 
he had taken up his quarters in the profess-house of the Society 
of Jesus, when, before taking any steps, he summoned to his 
council his three chief Jesuit advisers, namely his Father Con- 
fessor, Bartholomew Viller, along with the two rectors, Hauer 
and Neukirk, and after he had also taken into his counsel the 
Catholic town priest of Gratz, by name Lorence Sunabenter, a plan 
of campaign against the Evangehcals was then discussed. It was, 
indeed, of a very simple nature (as why should it be necessary to 
make much ado about heretics), and it began in this way, that 
Sunabenter complained bitterly, in a well-drawn-up petition, how 
the Evangelical preachers conducted themselves, going about in 
his circle, daring to baptise, marry, and perform other spiritual 
functions. Such a representation was, indeed, founded on 
fact; the town parson forgot, nevertheless, to add that these 
duties had for many years been exercised by the Evangelical 

preachers unhindered an a time of religious freedom. How, 
then, did the Archduke reply to this petition of Sunabenter ? 
Simply in this way, that he rescinded the religious liberty which 
had been previously granted, declaring the mode of proceedings 
of the preachers in question to be a breach of the peace, and as 
such liable to punishment ; an order was, therefore, issued to 
the chief authority in the land of Styria to close all the Pro- 
testant churches and schools, within a period of fourteen days 
from the 13th of September 1598, and a further decree was pro- 
mulgated that the schoolmasters and preachers were, under the 
penalty of death, to cease all preaching and instruction, or within 
eight days to leave the country. Edicts of an exactly similar 
tenour were now published in the remaining provinces of Inner 
Austria, and with the further proviso, moreover, that all Evan- 
gelicals and heretics were either to become at once Catholic again, 
or instantly to sell their goods and possessions, and, after paying 
a tenth part of the proceeds, to leave the country. Duke Fer- 
dinand, it may be observed, now made use of flowery language 
no longer, nor did he conceal, in the least degree, what was his 
great aim. But what did the Protestants do on the occasion, 
seeing that it was now a matter of life and death for them ? 
They formed, as I have explained above, by far the greatest 
majority of the population, and might, if they wished to do so, 
thus offer with ease a stout resistance, especially as most of the 
property was in their hands. But did they, then, offer this 
resistance ? Yes, certain communities did, indeed, do so, as, 
for instance, that of Klagenfurt, the capital of Carinthia. All 
the others, however, contented themselves, from submissive 
courage, in making merely earnest remonstrances, or, at most, 
vehement representations on the subject, and in this case it was 
an easy matter for the Archduke to crush them by mpÄUs of his 
troops and powerful opposition, the small communities being so 

I will not further dilate upon this unworthy submission of 
those Protestants of Inner Austria, founded upon the teach- 
ing that it was the duty of Christians rather to endure the 
greatest injustice than oppose the divine right of the ruler 
of the country, merely reiterating the observation that the 
victory would certainly have been on their side had they only 
risen in masses against their oppressor. Under such circum^ 




* stances aä these, a sentence was forthwith pronounced against 
them — such a sentence, indeed, as was seldom carried out 
against a city taken hy storm. As soon, namely, as the; Jesuits 
— and these were from this time forth the sole directing powers 
of Inner Austria— saw, to their particular astonishment, that 
the hundred thousands of their heretical opponents allowed with 
humility anything to take place, they then moved their Archduke 
to estahlish a great tribunal of the Inquisition, and the emis- 
saries thereof penetrated throughout the whole country under 
the designation of royal commissioners, proceeding from village 
to village, and from town to town, in order to hring back the 
stray lambs into the sheep-fold of the only saving Church. This 
result, however, was not effected by means of mild persuasion, 
or derived in the least degree from convictions originating in 
the Bible or the Word of God, but rather by the sword of the 
warriors by whom the commissioners were accompanied, and 
especially by fear of the gallows; before every village, indeed, 
the latter were erected, and whoever did not at once either 
abjure Protestantism, or emigrate, might be certain, to find a 
halter round his neck. 

After this fashion, the Jesuits proceeded for five long years, 
! and during that space of time they consigned to the flames 
more than forty thousand Lutheran Bibles, while they also occa- 
sionally, to make short work of it, converted a number of Pro- 
testant churches into ruins by means of cannon or by blowing 
them up into the air with gunpowder. 

At the commencement of the year 1600 they could thus trust 
that the whole of the heretics had become reconverted, at leaet 
outwardly, with the exception of about 30,000 who had chosen 
to emigrate,, ^d thus was the peace of the Church scattered to 
the winds. 

Thus terminated the fearful war of heresy-extermination 
which was undertaken by the Jesuits in Germany, .and ,;it 
may easily be understood that they had at the same time 
not neglected to enlarge the supremacy of their, power. In 
this way they obtained, at the beginning of Ferdinand's govern- 
ment, a large college at Laibach, the capital of Carinol^; 
while, further, in the year 1598, the lordship of Mullstadt in 
Carinthia was given to them, with all thereto belonging, equ^l, 
indeed, ta. a, principality endowed with, coippxekensiye sovereign 



'rights. Then, again, in the year 1607, a fine new college was 
erected by them in Klagenfurt, and another not less splendid at 
Leoben; besides, lastly, in the year 1609, a really princely 
palace, in the shape of a university building in Gratz itself, 
together with a whole quantity of smaller properties and incomes', 
to enumerate which would take up far too much time. Of con- 
siderably greater importance, however, was the fact that, since 
the accomplishment of the heresy conversion, they governed 
the whole of Inner Austria as supreme lords, and ordered every 
thing according to their own will and pleasure. 

The Protestant princes of Germany, it is true, perceived the 
progress of events in Inner Austria with much inward indigna- 
tion, seeing all this, however, without moving hand or foot; and 
consequently, going upon the principle of striking when the iron 
is hot, the Jesuits did not cease to whisper into the ears of the 
Emperor Eudolph II. that now was the important juncture 
and now was the time for again establishing the universal 
faith throughout all the states of Austria. Kudolph showed him- 
self not at all disinclined to follow this counsel, nominating, for 

instance, special commissioners for his Archduchy of Austria 

who, during the years from 1599 to 1603, penetrated throughout 
the whole country for the purpose of hunting out all the Pro- 
testant clergy. He also presented to the sons of Loyola a 
splendid dwelling together with several ruined Protestant churches 

in Linz — Austria's capital, oh der Ens, ** beyond the Ens " 

and in it sprung up shortly such a beautiful college as few like 
it had ever before made their appearance.. On the other hand, 
he did not hesitate carrying out similar measures in his other 
two kingdoms of Bohemia and Hungary, which, with the aid of 
the Turks, had hitherto quite withdrawn themselves from his 
sway ; but now they were penetrated by the four Jesuit Fathers, 
George Scherer, William Lamormain, Jacob Geranus, and 
Johannes von Milien, who, during the last ten years of his life, 
had almost completely ruled over this weak monarch. As, 
however, in this case, the Order had to renounce the above- 
mentioned measures, at least openly, it indemnified itself in this 
way, that it now began in a truly fiendish spirit, and by slan- 
derous writings of all kinds, to stir up and irritate the Catholics 
against the Evangelicals ; and it is an established fact that thpy 
'pursued .this .plan with true art, although the Protestants 



ccrtftinly, it must bo ndiDiUccl, were not bcliinahnncl in their 
replies. It would, indeed, be very amusing to serve up before 
the public a list of such-like abusive writings, but I must for 
good reasons forego this, and the reader must just be coDtent 
with a few fragments instead of with a full meal. 

Father Aiulreas, for instance, wrote in this way : /* It would 
be better to marry the Dovil rather than a Lutheran woman, as 
one might be able to drive away the Evil One with holy water 
and exorcism, whilst, with a Lutheran woman, the Cross, 
Chrysom, and baptismal water would be thrown away.'' Then, 
again, Father Gretser gave it as his opinion " that whoever 
reci'ivcd the siu-rarnont in both kinds from a Lutheran parson, 
received the Devil into his body"; and in another place he 
affirmed " that Evangelicals, when they wished to marry, were 
not worthy of being proclaimed by a priest, but by the Jxecu- 
tioner or hangman." Father Conrad Better used to describe the 
Evangelicals publicly as ''rogues, miscreants, and traitors •^• 
and Luther himself was, in his opinion, "a lost apostate, a 
thief, a robber, a filthy sow, and a senseless beast, the Devil's 
boon companion." Then, in the year 10 10, Father Christopher 
Ungersdorf published a pamphlet, in which he applied to the 
Evangelical deputies of the state the following flattering nick- 
names: to the Elector of Saxony, "the serene sow"; to him of the 
Pfalz, '' tlie beast from Heidelberg " ; to the Landgrave of Hesse 
"the highly-learned swine"; to the Duke of Würtcmberg, " the 
rich temple-r..bber of Stuttgart"; to the Landgrave of Bran- 
denburg, 'M^iittels von Anspach''; and to the Pfalzgrave von 
Neuburg, " a senseless and demented fool." 

The sons of Loyola, indeed, were not satisfied merely with 
loading the Lutherans with insults and derision of all kinds, but 
they also, without disguise, from their pulpits as well as in their 
publications, demanded that the Catholics should take up arms 
for the extermination of the heretics ; and Anton Tossevin, one 
of the most prominent members of the Society, went so far as 
to deny eternal happiness to the Emperor Ferdinand 1., because 
he was actually so godless as to grant to the Protestants the 
free exercise of their religion. 

" For what ol)ject have we given to us money, soldiers, sabres 
and cannon," cried the Fathers Adam Tanner, Paul \Vindeek' 
and Vitus Eberman, " but to use them against ihe enemy ? 


Why do we hesitate, then, in commencing to eradicate and root 
out heresy root and branch, and especially this Calvinistic 
abomination ? Kill them, then, the hounds, strike them down, 
and hurl them to the ground, give them their finishing stroke, 
bum their houses over their heads, and overwhelm them with 
everything of the worst description that can bo invented, so 
^hftt the hateful brood may finally disappear from off tlie face of 
'the earth." 

So cried out the Loyolites ; and there could be no 
longer any doubt that what they had been striving for was 
nothing else than to stir up a war of annihilation against 
Protestantism. This must become, moreover, the more 
clear to everyone who vouchsafes a penetrating glance at 
the proceedings of the pious Fathers in their beloved Ba- 
.yaria. There, as we have seen, the fraternity had attained 
"to great power under Albert V.. and still more so under 
his son and successor William V., who reigned from 1579 to 

During the education of the latter, Father Hoflaus had 
obtained such an influence over him that one might, on that 
account, well prophesy a brilliant future career for the Order 
under the coming reip^n of William ; and then, again, these 
expectations would be all tlie more increased on the said William, 
as Crown Prince, becoming united in marriage, in 156,9, with the 
over-pious Renata, the daughter of Duke Francis I. of Loraine, 
whose Father Confessor, Dominicus Men^'in, also made her his 
own. As this man was naturally not only at heart a very 
arrogant individual but outwardly a very fawninpr and courtier- 
like Jesuit, he, too, in a short time, completely obtained the 
mastery over his distinguished confessant son. William, indeed, 
after his succession to the Government, allowed himself to be led 
like a child by the pious Father, and vied with his spouse, from 
this time forward, in the most foolishly extravagant favouritism 
towards the Order of Jesus, of which the splendid building devoted 
to it in Munich is a most striking proof. As. however, this waste 
of Government property gradually assumed enormous proportions, 
and as the ruler came at last to have no thought for anything 
else than for Jesuit affairs, a general feeling of discontent 
manifested itself at length among the people, and in consequence 
thereof, the Duke saw himself compelled to abdicate in favour of 




his son MaximiliiiD,* in the year 159G. He hecame so infatu- 
ated, indeed, tlmt he was espcciallv fond of making pilgrimages 
on foot along witli his beloved Father Confessor, even in the 
burning sun or pouring rain, clad in the garments of a poor 
pilgrim, sometimes to thcDuntcnliausen, sometimes to Allotting, 
sometimes to the Black Virgin .Mary, carrying with him con- 
siderable olltM-ings. 

The Bavarians now indulged a hope that they were going to 
enter upon a golden age, thinking, from outward indications, 
that the young monarch would do his best endeavour to briug 
his country into a most nourishing condition ; but they had not 
taken the Jesuits into account. 

Maximilian I., Duke of Bavaria, from 1590 to IGoI, was 
educated by the Jesuits at Ingoldstadt, as we already stated, along 
with the Archduke Ferdinand, and had, of course, there imbibed 
precisely the same principles as the latter. It may well, then, 
be imagined that the influence of the Jesuits, at the time'of hh 
accession to the Government, was not by any means smaller 
than it had been under that of his father ; only he gave expres- 
sion to his views in another way, as Maximilian was of quite a 
dillerenl stamp of cliaracter. and could boast of being possessed 
of an energetic mind, and of no inconsiderable degree of culture. 
How, and in what manner, did Jesuit influeuce''then manifest 
itself? It was, indeed, in nothing less than this, that the holy 
Fathers succeeded in bringing the new ruler to the couviction 
that God had provided him with armour in order that the 
universal faith might be restored throughout the whole of ' 
Germany, and an end, once for all, made of the hated heresy of 
Protestantism. As respects Bavaria itself, tJn-n. was, indeed 
nothing for the y.ealous prince to (lo,t as the whoh/countrv* 
thanks to the fostering care of his forefathers, had remained 
thoroughly Catholic, and there was aroused in his honour- 
seeking breast an emulous feeling of envy towards his brother- 

• J^^^^n^^ici:^^^ the 

i!l5^i^-;/*;^L-J^ ^^-^V«^ --t, leavin, behind tuJ^nu^ll^!:- 


book, which, liowovcr, was never printo<l. 

imscript prayer- Hi 

t In order to j^ivc tlie reader nn idea ..f liis zotil for the fiitli T ^ni i 


in-law, Ferdinand of Inner Austria, the friend of his youth,* 
vhose heroic deeds in church matters had at the time electrified 
ihe whole of the Catholic world. Was there, then, anything 
more natural than that the Jesuits should take advantage of this 
feeling tofan such envy into ever higher and increasing flames, 
«o that they might lead the aspirant to similar renown, in order 
ibat he might succeed in attaining even still greater results 'i In 
this respect Maximilian had, no doubt, from the very beginning, 
entertained an idea that the religious peace, which the Emperor 
had concluded in the year 155.0 with the Protestants, might now 
bd broken at any moment by the Catholics, because by this 
means the country would be freed from an erring religion, and 
in bis eyes Evangelical teaching was erroneous. To do this 
was nothing but an allowable transaction, and consequently the 
only question was as to the proper time "when" it should be 
hrekon. In order to determine that this *' when " should take 
place at once, and with the view of immediately carrying the 
affair into effect, he very quickly assembled soldiers, with war 
material and ammunition, under the pretext that this was on 
account of the Turkish war then imminent, the truth being 
that it was, on the contrary, for a great struggle for the faith, for 
the prosecution of which the Jesuits were now working with all 
their might and main. Before, however, lifting the curtain 
of what might be such a frightful tragedy, they desired to 
previously exercise the intended hero of the scene with somo 
prehminary and tentative transactions, two of which are especially 
worthy of notice, namely, the forcible capture and conversion of 
Donauwörth, as well as the secession to the Catholic faith of 
Wolfgang Wilhelm of Pfalz-Neuburg, and the eradication 
of Protestantism from his ountry. Donauwörth, in former 
limes a Bavarian town, had been successful in wresting its 
freedom, and had contrived to retain it for a period of nearly 
two centuries from the year H20. Regarding the faith of its 
inhabitants, a part belonged to the Catholic belief, which found 
its support in the cloister of the Holy Cross, in possession of the 
Benedictine Order of monks. More than four-fifths, however, 
of the inhabitants adhered to Lutheranism, and the Protestants 
might, therefore, be considered the ruling body. But since the 

• The Grand Duke Ferdinand had become united in marriage \^ith the 
«Ikr of Maximilian on the 2ard of Ai^rii 1000. 

16 ♦ 





establishment of religious peace both parties had got on very 
well together, and during the last twenty years of the 16th 
century a most friendly relation subsisted between the Catholics 
and the Lutherans. After the decease of the tolerant Abbot 
Christopher Gerung, the Jesuits succeeded (in May 1602), 
through the intercession of their great patron, Maximilian I., as 
also of their very particular friend Bishop Henry V. of Augsburg, 
in inducing the monks of the time to elect as their Abbot, 
Leonard Hörman, a Bavarian subject ; and now, consequently, 
there would doubtless soon be an end of peace. By the advice 
and at the instigation of his Father Confessor, the Jesuit John 
Buslidius, Duke Maximilian now incited Hörman no longer to re- 
gard the magisterial regulation, which had for dozens of years been 
established, to the effect that no public processions with cross and 
banners should be allowed to proceed through the town, and the 
Abbot immediately took the hint : this was in the year 1605. 
He, therefore, organised a most pompous procession on the Feast 
of Corpus Christi, and thereby hurt not a little the Protestant 
inhabitants. No disturbance, however, occurred ; the only 
result being that the magistrate forbade that anything of the 
kind should in future take place. Upon this, however, the 
Abbot, as well as the above-mentioned Bishop of Augsburg, 
took ^reat offence, and both of them made a complaint to the 
Imperial Councillor in regard to the oppression which they 
represented the Catholics of Donauwörth had to suffer. The 
Imperial Court Councillor, not, indeed, the most suitable person to 
determine the point, now gave it as his decision, in October 1605, 
that all such processions might be allowed to take place, and 
determined to make the magistrate responsible for any excesses 
that might come to pass ; the magistrate, however, firm to his 
purpose, afiBrmed that it would be better not to irritate the common 
people, and entreated the Abbot to keep the peace. Hörman, 
nevertheless, thereupon organised a magnificent procession to a 
neighbouring village, on the llth of April 1606, proclaiming his 
project from the pulpit the day before, to the whole of the in- 
habitants, in a very scornful manner. It was not, then, a matter 
of any surprise that the rough element among the Protestant 
population collected, and greeted the procession 8C()**nfii]ly, not 
only with showers of stones, but that they also tore into 
pieces one of the flags belonging to the fraternity. Naturally 


enough, this proceeding gave rise to a much more energetic 
complaint to the Aulic Court, and afterwards to considerable 
wrangling and contention between the parties concerned. The 
Emperor Rudolph IL, being urged to do so by Maximilian L, 
authorised the latter " to protect the Catholics in Donauwörth 
from further insolence, as the magistrate was clearly too weak 
to hold in check the evil-disposed part of the population." 

The Jesuits had accomplished as much as they wanted, and 
the result followed as a natural consequence. In the first place, 
Maximilian sent certain commissioners to the town, in order to 
take the necessary measures for the protection of the Catholic 
community ; but these gentlemen, having been previously in- 
structed by Buslidius how to proceed, conducted themselves with 
such arrogance that the people hustled them out of the gate. 
It was then declared that Donauwörth was in a state of rebellion 
against His Imperial Majesty ; and the Jesuit entourage of the 
Emperor Rudolph urged him so much to do so, that he finally 
decided that from the 3rd of August 1607 the town should be 
put under the ban of the Empire. As was, of course, to be 
understood, the carrying out of this was entrusted to MaximiUan, 
as the nearest Catholic power belonging to the Empire, and he 
forthwith surrounded Donauwörth by a military force of such 
considerable numbers that resistance was, of course, no longer 
to be thought of. Moreover, not a single one of the Protestant 
princes came to the aid of the poor inhabitants, conse- 
quently, nothing else remained for them to do but to open the 
gates, on the 17th December 1607, to the Bavarian Duke. This 
they did, however, only on condition that no one was to be 
interfered with as regards his religious liberty, and Majd- 
miUan promised, on his '' princely honour," to maintain this 

condition. '^ __- ~— -j 

In what way did he, then, keep his plighted word? It 
was, truly, a very peculiar mode of respecting his *' princely 
honour." His secular counsellors, or, as one would now caU 
. them, ministers, advised him, it is true, to leave untouched the 
religious condition of the conquered town, and merely to hold 
it in occupation until the expenses of the war had been paid ; 
for, had he acted otherwise, Donauwörth having hitherto been a 
free Imperial town, he would necessarily have rendered himself 
Uable to very severe reproaches from the Protestant Impentil 




Members of Parliament; his spiritual adviser, however, the 
above-named Father Confessor Buslidius, together with the pious 
Fathers Matthias Mitner and George Schrettl, whom he had 
brought along with him to Donauwörth, as well as several other 
Jesuits, demanded of him that he should at once put an end to 
heresy in Donauwörth by force, in order that Catholicism might 
be able to hold up its head therein, and without further ado to 
incorporate, the town in his dominions. They very well» knew 
that, by thus acting, he would make himself an open violator of 
the religious peace, and they, at the same time, were equally well 
aware that the Duke, in following their advice, would be regarded 
by the world as a dishonourable traitor to his word. But, on 
the latter point, they consoled him that he was bound by reli- 
gious duty not to keep faith with heretics, and, as regards the 
first point, they scornfully expressed their opinion that the Pro- 
testant members of the Imperial Government would not allow 
themselves to proceed to extremities for such a trifling affair, as 
they would at once be silenced by what had already occurred in 
Inner Austria and other places. Should they, however, deter- 
mine upon taking coercive measures, then the aim of the Jesuits 
would be attained by the " opening up of a great religious war," 
and in this the Catholics would, most certainly, be sure to get the 
upper hand, as Maximilian was already fully prepared, whereas 
the Protestant party were not so. Maximilian could not with- 
stand such arguments as these, and he therefore at once took the 
necessary steps for the suppression of Protestantism in Donau- 
wörth. He commenced by driving out of doors the whole of the 
Protestant clergy, and by assigning their churches to the sons of 
Loyola. At the same time he proceeded equally against the 
Evangelical teachers, whose places were, without exception, at 
' once filled up by Catholics ; the burgesses, moreover, were 
obliged by force to send their children to the schools to which 
they had not gone before ; and those who wished to escape being 
teased and tormented were, as well, obliged to go to Mass. In 
short, no means were omitted, not even the most execrable, in 
order to drive the burgesses to receive the old faith, long laid 
aside, while Maximilian, at the same time, fully carried out the 
other advice of the Jesuits in making Donauwörth, with the 
approbation of the Jesuitically bigoted Emperor Rudolph II., 
a Bavarian country town, and in this way the work of oon- 


version met with complete success in the course of a few 


How, then, was it with the Protestant members ? These were 
at that time (1607-1608) assembled, along with the Catholics, 
in the Parliament at Eatisbon, and they right well understood 
what this exercise of power properly signified. They per- 
ceived that the^ occupation of Donauwörth was, so to speak, 
nothing else than the flight of the first arrow in the great reli- 
gious war, and that doubtless it must have been determined upon 
in the High Council of the Society of Jesus, so that the work of 
annihilation of heresy, begun as it was among the weaker portion 
of the Protestant estates and Imperial towns, would be, later on, 
continued, according to circumstances, among the stronger places 
also. They cleariy perceived all this, and now candidly gave 
expression to their opinion ; but what, in fact, did they now 
do ? Ah ! action was expected from them, but in vain. They 
contented themselves merely in making a protest, that is to say, 
they confined themselves to words only, to which the other party 
gave themselves no trouble to pay any heed whatever. This 
much good was, however, caused thereby, that in May it gave rise 
to the formation of the Protestant League, with the view of in- 
cluding within one bond of brotherhood the Lutherans and 
Calvinists, who had hitherto been sworn enemies, unfortunately, 
this said union was but of too short duration in order to have 
anything of a truly permanent effect, besides which, in July 
1609, Maximilian I. called into existence a Catholic League, 
the strength of which counterbalanced that of the other union. 
What, then, was the upshot of this attempt of the Jesuits upon 
Donauwörth ? Nothing else than, apparently, the open division of 
Germany into two great inimical camps, which now only awaited 
a signal from the leaders to enter into a deadly strife with each 

other. t . i.« i 

Thus the Jesuits always advanced nearer to their object. 

But still another skirmish must yet be undertaken prior to the 

proper commencement of this great religious war, namely, the 

secession to the Catholics of Wolfgang Wilhelm of Pfalz- 

Neuburg, and the extinction of Protestantism in his dommions. 

After the' death of John William III., Duke of Zülich and Cleve, 

without leaving behind him any direct heirs, the two princely 

Houses of Pfalz-Neuburg and Brandenburg each believed them- 




selves to have an equal right to the inheritance, and Ziilich was 
at once taken possession of hy the Crown Prince Wolfgang 
Wilhelm of Pfalz-Neuburg, while, on the other hand, Cleve was 
seized upon by the Electoral Prince of Brandenburg. Each of 
these magnates, however, was desirous of obtaining the whole of 
the inheritance for himself, and each of them applied to the 
Protestant union, of which both were members, demanding of 
the same to make intercession for him with the Imperial Diet. 
The union had then to determine to which of the two pretenders 
they would give their support, and, for a time, it appeared that 
Kurbrandenburg was to gain the victory. This, however, was 
only apparent, as the members constituting the union were too 
disunited and wanting iu energy to come to any definite decision 
on the subject, and, consequently, Kurbrandenburg as well as 
Pfalz-Neuburg was put off from one session to another. It 
was now pointed out to Wolfgang Wilhelm by the Jesuits, 
through the medium of the Ambassador of Philip III., King of 
Spain, that an excellent means of obtaining the inheritance for 
himself would be for him to form an alliance with the House of 
Bavaria, and thereby gain the powerful intercession of Duke 
Maximilian I. ; so the Catholic league united with him. This 
enlightened Pfalz -Neuburger then lost no time in soliciting the 
hand of the Princess Magdalena, the sister of Maximilian. This 
offer was received very favourably by the latter, who, at the same 
time, declared that he could not call a heretic his brother-in- 
law. Such an announcement, clearly made, could not be mis- 
understood. Now Wolfgang Wilhelm, together with his whole 
family, had, up to the present time, belonged to the most 
orthodox of all orthodox Lutherans, and often used to make a 
boast of having read through the whole Bible not less than, at 
least, two dozen times during the course of the year. How, 
then, could he ever be expected to make a change in his faith ? 
Wonderful to relate, however, doubts now began to arise in the 
mind of the Neuburger as to whether he had hitherto really fol- 
lowed the true faith ; so when he proceeded forthwith to Munich, 
in order to expedite his marriage projects, the above so often 
mentioned Johann Buslidius contrived to work upon his mind so 
strenuously that it at last yielded, and the affair came thereupon 
to a head. He, consequently, in July 1613, went over to the 
Catholic religion secretly, fearing the anger of his old father, who 


was still then living, and four months afterwards married the 
sister of Duke Maximilian. Not long after this, the Jesuits 
began purposely to spread abroad the intelligence of his having 
come over, in order to compel him to throw off this secrecy, 
which he at length formally did in May 1614, not caring that, 
by so doing, he would necessarily break the heart of his poor 
father, whose death actually occurred in consequence two months 

The Jesuits had now attained their first object, in the 
gaining over to their side of Wolfgang Wilhelm, and their 
second aim, that is, the extinction of Protestantism in his 
dominions, could no longer be very difficult of accomplishment. 
Those newly converted, as a rule, make themselves conspicuous 
as zealous partizans of the newly-accepted faith, in order 
to prove their sincerity to the world, and Wolfgang Wilhelm, 
formed no exception to the rule. In a few days, too, after, he 
had taken the step of secession, he assured the then Pope, 
Paul v., in an autograph letter, of his unqualified devotion to 
him, and expressly added that he had formed the resolution " of 
rooting out Lutheranism and of making himself a pillar of the 
Boman Catholic Church, of prohibiting in his dominions the free 
exercise of the Evangehcal religion, and of proceeding to the 
uttermost against the Protestants, and bringing about their 
destruction and downfall," thereby proving himself to be a 
true disciple of the Jesuits. Nevertheless, two months after 
his accession to the Government, he did not hesitate to 
promise solemnly, in a special edict, to allow his Protestant 
subjects the undisturbed retention and free exercise of their 
religion, for otherwise the Pfalz-Neuburgers would have failed 
to pay him homage; moreover, what did his promise signify, 
when at any moment he might easily free himself from it ? I 
will now shortly state what took place. Immediately after his 
arrival, in February 1616, in Neuburg, the capital of his paternal 
possessions, he gave over the Castle church to two Jesuits, named 
Jacob Beihing and Anton Weiser, the first of whom was his 
own, and the second his wife's. Father Confessor. And now the 
expulsion of Lutheranism vigorously proceeded, the means 
employed being just the same as in Donauwörth and elsewhere, 
namely, in the first place, the expulsion of all Protestant eccle- 
siastics and teachers, followed by the deposition of all opposing 


/ 1 





officials, and the oppression of all those who still were disposed 
towards heresy, favour being shown to all who went over to the 
only saving Church. For instance, such means were specially em- 
ployed as the quartering of soldiers on such of the inhabitants as 
proved to be refractory, a proceeding which was found to be so 
efficacious that not only the Neuburgers but the inhabitants of 
the other remaining villages became acquiescent within a few 
months or years; but wherever any resistance showed itself 
among this sorely-tried people— oh ! this, indeed, constituted 
nothing else than rebellion, and against such it was at once 
necessary to take up arms. By such means as these, complete 
success was now attained, in a comparatively short space of 
time, in the territory of Neuburg, as well as in the Princi- 
pality of Zülich, in which Wolfgang, thanks to the aid of the 
league, was supreme; for this the Jesuits had occasion to 
rejoice. With the Principality of Cleves, however, on account of 
which he had become a Catholic, he never succeeded, as it 
continued, along with Kurbrandenburg, to remain stedfast to the 
Protestant cause. It no less rejoiced the Jesuits that the Duke 
was pleased, through the influence of his beloved Jacob Reihing,» 

* to found colleges for them in various parts of his small domains, 
especially in Neuburg and Düsseldorf, as by such means their 
sway became all the greater, and it was all the more pleasing to 
them in that they now had an opportunity of further extending 
their influence in other neighbouring Protestant countries. 

It will be observed, from these proceedings of the Jesuits in 
Germany, that progress was now being rapidly made in the 

• furtherance of a great war of annihilation against heresy, 
while before they came into these parts the most perfect peace 
reigned there between Catholics and Protestants. The latter 
especially were in no degree to blame, as it was not until the 
coercive measures of the Jesuits came upon ilie scene that they 
took weapons into their hands and opposed like with like. Had 
they done so previously, in the first Protestant persecutions in 

♦ I caanot here refrain from mentioning that the so-called Reihing him- 
«elf went over afterwards to Protestantism. On account of his disputation» 
with the Protestants, he found himself under the necessity of studying the 
Bible accurately, and thereby such a light was thrown upon the taith he 
had hitherto professed, that, iu the year 1621, he came over to th^ Evan- 
gelical faith at Tübingen. He became, also, professor of theology in the 
said university, and thus remained until the end of his life. 



Fulda, Mayence, and elsewhere, instead of manifesting internal 
disunion and cowardice, as in the case of the Archbishopric 
of Cologne, the arrogance of the much smaller Catholic com- 
munities would never have increased, year by year, as occurred 
in the Bishoprics of Paderborn, Minden, Münster, &c.; nor, 
equally, would what happened in Donauwörth and Pfalz-Neuburg 
ever have taken place. There existed, indeed, a much too great 
amount of passiveness and want of energy, and a much too 
great spirit of the innate feeling of loyalty and submissiveness 
towards the laws of the country and towards Imperial Majesty. 
This was the only reproach that could be made against them 
with any reason, and I now reiterate that the action proceeded 
entirely from the side of the Jesuits, and upon them, therefore, 
rested the responsibility for the frantically atrocious thirty 
years* religious war. 

But now let us proceed to facts. The several examples we 
have already given had been continually preparing the world for 
the approaching tragedy. But how could this come about, 
unless the destiny of Germany should happen to be in the hands 
of a prince who was fully competent to the task ? Such must 
prove himself to be a man of great spiritual power, and at the 
same time, of indomitable and terrible energy ; a man endowed 
with a will which could work itself up to a condition the most 
hard-hearted of hard- hear tedness, so as not to shrink from any 
deed, even of the most horrible nature ; not the less, also, a man 
who, brought up in the principles of the Jesuits, would allow 
himself to be completely guided by them, never turning a 
deaf ear to their inspirations. It was only when such a prince 
was found to occupy the German Imperial throne, and threw his 
weighty Imperial sword into the balance on the side of the 
Catholics, that it could have been hoped, with any degree of 
confidence, that Protestantism in Germany, in spite of its 
always increasing and preponderating majority, would not only 
not maintain the upper hand, but, on the contrary, be beaten 
down even to extinction. 

It was only then that all this could have a chance of taking 
place, as the sons of Loyola very well knew. What a great piece 
of luck was it indeed, for them that there happened to exist at 
that time such a prince as this ; and, besides, what still greater 
good fortune for them was it that he, the said prince, happened to 



be an Archduke of the House of Hapsburg, who, moreover, had 
a claim to the Imperial throne, in the person of the said Ferdi- 
nand of Inner Austria, of whom mention has already been made 
above more in detail. It was he, indeed, this said Ferdinand, 
who must wield the Imperial sceptre, if the great religious war 
now about to commence was ever to turn out to be a glorious 
victory, and, therefore, was it of so much importance that 
this sceptre should be procured for him. This, however, was 
indeed no easy matter, as, on the demise of the Emperor 
Eudolph II., it was his brother Mathias who, in the year 1612 
ascended the Imperial throne, and in respect to him it was pretty 
well known that, for various reasons, he had for some time 
past fostered a grudge against Ferdinand ; of the numerous 
causes in question, only a single one need here be adduced, 
namely, that Ferdinand had induced the childless Emperor 
Eudolph to make over to him, a distant cousin, the crown of 
Bohemia and Hungary, instead of to the King's brother Mathias, 
the rightful heir. There was, therefore, a deep grudge existing 
on the part of the latter, and this apparently seemed likely to 
be of permanent continuance. How, then, would the equally 
childless Mathias appoint the cousin Ferdinand as heir ? for 
there happened to be several rivals, some of whom could boast 
of even a nearer relationship to him. But the Jesuits had 
already shown what they could be capable of effecting, making 
what was impossible, or what appeared to be impossible, simple 
enough. They strove, above everything, to win over to their 
side all those persons who were in the immediate surrounding 
of the Emperor, and more especially the venal women in whose 
arms he was wont to revel. This, indeed, was certainly but a 
very impure channel in which to labour; the pious Fathers, 
however, would have been quite ready to adopt still more dis- 
gusting measures had it been for their advantage to do so. 
The inamoratas of Mathias were now, therefore, assailed in every 
sort of way, at one time by presents, at another by flattery, at 
a third time by a lightly-obtained absolution, and then again 
by frightful threats regarding the world to come, aod such-like 
means; and the cunning Fathers in this way succeeded in gain- 
ing a considerable sway over the new monarch. They attained 
even to a still greater influence, when the Bishop Melchior Kiesel, 
the confidant of Mathias for many years, and whom, shortly 



after his accession to the throne, he made his Prime Minister, 
came over to their side. This Kiesel, the son of a Lutheran 
baker in Vienna, had been converted to Catholicism by 
Father George Scherer, of whom I have already made men- 
tion. As a convert of the Jesuits, he clearly could not be 
unfavourable to the Order of Jesus. As the pious Fathers now 
promised this baker's son that, first of all, he would be advanced 
to the post of first minister, while, if he supported them in their 
plans respecting the Archduke Ferdinand, they agreed to help 
him to obtain the long- wished- for aim of his highest ambition, 
a cardinal's hat,— be unreservedly engaged himself to do so, 
and became henceforth their particular friend through thick 
and thin. Both parties loyally and honestly kept to their 
engagements, that is to say, Kiesel obtained his cardinal's hat 
in the year 1616, and thereupon the views of Mathias became 
altered in favour of the Jesuits. By far the greatest service 
in this matter was accomplished by two members of the 
Order, i.e. Peter Pazman and Christopher Scheiner, and it was, 
indeed, they who, properly speaking, brought it about that Fer- 
dinand was nominated heir to Mathias. Pazman, just as in the 
case of Kiesel, was the son of Protestant parents, who first lived at 
Grosswardein and then in Gratz. In 1 587, when he was in his 
seventeenth year, he was converted to Catholicism by the Jesuits ; 
he then studied theology in Gratz, and being promoted very early, 
by his distinguished talents, to be Professor in the local university, 
he later on entered the service of the Cardinal Archbishop of 
Gran, Francis Forgats, and distinguished himself so very much, 
that the high prelate made him at once not only his most con- 
fidential counsellor, but, also, in the year 1615, on feeling himself 
to be on the point of death, recommended him to the Hungarian 
magnates to be his successor. The latter accordingly solicited 
the Emperor Mathias that the Archbishopric should be conferred 
upon him, and the Sovereign, being very well disposed 
towards him, would have gladly been ready to comply with the 
request had the laws of the Order not prohibited the acceptance 
of so high a church preferment by any member of the Society 
of Jesus. Still this might easiiy be got over by Pazmans 
apparent retirement from the Order. This, indeed, actually 
took place, and as Paul V., the Pope at the time, gave his con- 
sent to the arrangement, there remained now nothing in the 




way of his nomination as Archbishop. As such he now came 
into so close and intimate relations with the Emperor Mathias, 
and so completely won his confidence, that no State business 
could be carried out without the Jesuit's approbation. The 
question, especially, of the succession to his Austrian domi- 
nions as well as to the dignity of Emperor having now to be 
determined, because his two brothers still living, i.e. Maxi- 
miliau, Archduke of the Tyrol and Outer Austria, and Albert, 
Eegent of the Spanish Netherlands, were both old, sickly,' 
and childless, Pazman naturally suggested to the Emperor 
that the Archduke of Styria should be nominated his heir. 
He not only gave this advice, but supported it so eloquently, 
and with such arguments, that Mathias at length gave his 
consent, although unwillingly, at the beginning of the year 
1617, that the succession should pass to his cousin Ferdinand, 
even during his own lifetime, and that he should be his universal 
heir. Still, the cunning Jesuit would hardly have attained his 
object so easily and so quickly, had it not been for his brother 
and fellow-worker, Scheiner, who loyally aided him. The latter, 
at the commencement of the 17th century, working as Professor 
of Mathematics at the University of Ingoldstadt, was frequently 
summoned by the Archduke Maximilian, the ruler of the country 
who, a great lover of mathematics, invited him to proceed to 
the Tyrol; and he so ingratiated himself in the good graces 
of the latter, in the year 1615, by repairing completely for him 
a valuable telescope which had met with an accident, that Maxi- 
milian could now no longer rest until Scheiner gave up his 
Professorship and came to settle at Innsbruck, as his Father 
Confessor. In this capacity he obtained such an influence over 
his old confessant, that at length the latter had no other will 
but that of the Jesuit Father. It consequently came about 
that, in the same year, 1615, the Archduke, having before him 
the highly important question of the Imperial succession, 
which lay so much at heart with the Jesuits, made a step forward 
of his own accord, and not only renounced for himself the 
succession, but also engaged to persuade his brother Albert in 
the Netherlands to do likewise. The Archduke, in fact, at 
once consented to take this course, and, travelling to Brussels, 
accompanied by Scheiner, succeeded in getting his brother 
to take the desired step, as well also as Philip III., King of 


Spain, who, as grandson of the Emperor Maximilian, had like- 
wise a claim to the Austrian succession.* But after all this had 
been committed to writing, and sealed, the ruler of the Tyrol 
now directed his steps towards Prague, in the autumn of 1616, 
with the purpose of there meeting his brother Mathias, the 
reigning Emperor, in order to render an account to him of his 
proceedings. The latter, indeed, had now no alternative but to 
give his acquiescence to the persuasive words of Archbishop 

In this manner was the Emperor Mathias influenced to 
nominate as his successor the Archduke Ferdinand, while the 
election was recognised by the German people — the majority 
of the Electors being, then. Catholics — as also by Bohemia and 
Hungary, &c. ; naturally, however, only after the same had 
given his solemn promise sacredly to maintain the privileges and 
rights of his future subjects, as, before his coronation in Bohemia 
could take place, he was obliged to take his oath never to alter 
or evade a single letter in the so-called " Rudolphian Majesty 
Brief," in which the religious liberty of the country was guaran- 
teed. But what did an oath signify to a pupil of the Jesuits ? 
Therefore, the pious Fathers now rejoiced, and with no uncertain 
voice proclaimed loudly throughout the whole world, *' Novus 
Rex nova lex" that is to say, " With a new king there will- be 
a new law," or in other words, " A new prince having come to 
the throne, is not bound to observe the guaranteed rights of the 
people." It was thus that one of them. Father Andreas 
Neubauer, held forth from the pulpit in Prague : ** His 
Bohemian Majesty's Brief might as well sanction the coercive 
permission of improper houses in the large towns;" while other 
metobers of the Society of Jesus did not hesitate to speak even 
of the necessity of the excommunication and confiscation, or 
even of the execution, of Evangelicals throughout all German 

It, therefore, became clear to all thinking men that now, with 
the election of Ferdinand, must begin the fearful war to ensure 
the complete annihilation of the Protestants of Inner Austria, 

* Without renunciation, moreover, on the part of Philip III., but Ferdi- 
nand promised, according to a secreftreaty, to give over to him, after his 
enthronement as Emperor, the Tyrol, Outer Austria, Alsace, and the 
Breisgau This promise, however, was never carried out, and, from the 
ürst, Ferdinand had no intention of fulfilling it. 



for which the sons of Loyola had all along been working ; and 
he, in fact, began this great struggle, as everyone knows, in 
May 1618. He commenced his operations in Bohemia, and it 
was in consequence of the continued and systematical persecu- 
tion of the Evangelicals by the sons of Loyola, as also by the 
treatment to which the Government subjected the rebels, that 
they banished the Jesuits out of Bohemia for all time. 

He began, then, this business during the regime of the Emperor 
Mathias, who, as is known, did not die till the year 1619. The 
latter, however, was by this time so sick and decrepit that he 
could only be looked upon as a poor tool in the hands of his 
successor, Ferdinand ; and the whole frightful responsibility for 
this terrible thirty years' war must rest upon the Emperor 
Ferdinand IL, and his teachers, rulers, and bosom friends, the 
sons of Loyola. 

Is it now necessary for me to cause all the horrible scenes 
of this ferocious war to pass in review before the eyes of the 
reader ? To adopt such a course would be a departure from the 
original intention of this work. It will, therefore, be suflBcient 
merely to direct attention to the influence exercised by the 
Jesuits upon the course of this war. It must be stated at the 
outset that Ferdinand IL, in the first year of the struggle, was 
on the point of putting'an end to the tumult he had created ; for 
almost all of his heritable states, especially Moravia, Silesia, 
Hungary, as well as Lower and Upper Austria, took part in the 
rebellion, on which account, behind the backs of the Jesuits, 
he made an application to the Pope, through an extra- 
ordinary ambassador. Count Maximilian von Trautmansdorf, 
despatched in 1619, to be allowed to conclude peace on the 
condition of granting religious liberty. When, however, the 
sons of Loyola came to be made aware of the secret, they imme- 
diately sent a messenger to their General, Mucins Vittelleschi, 
with the object of working upon the Pope, in order that the 
latter should give a negative reply to the Emperor's petition ; 
and this actually in the end occurred, while, in addition, the 
Imperial Father Confessor, Johann Weingartner, was led to 
make the infernal regions so hot to his high and mighty con- 
fessant, on account of the wicked deed he had in contempla- 
tion, that Ferdinand at length abstained from his intention. 
Their aim and object was that the war should not be again 


smothered at its inception, but that it should, in truth, become a 
war of annihilation. Besides, was it possible for them to allow 
peace to be concludeä with countries whose rebellious Govern- 
ments had issued a law ruling that no Jesuit should ever 
again dare to show his face, under pain of death, within 
their boundaries ? This, indeed, had Bohemia done, as also 
Hungary, Moravia, Silesia, with Upper and Lower Austria; 
and not only had they acted thus, but, at the same time, had 
publicly disclosed to the world, all the nefarious peculiarities 
and deeds of the Order of Jesus, in such a manner as to em- 
bitter the feelings of the Jesuits in the highest degree.* But 
when Ferdinand IL had formed the resolution of prosecuting the 
war, was it in his power to do so ? All his treasure- chests were 
well-nigh exhausted, and his armies did not, at the most, 
number more than about J 2,000 men, which were insuflöcient to 
make a stand against four times the number of enemies ; the 
support from abroad, too, wliich Philif) HI. of Spain had prof- 
fered, was but scanty, and did not much signify. 

The sons of Loyola, however, knew a way how to get out of 
the difficulty, and it consisted in this, that they gained the help 
of Maximilian I. of Bavaria for their protege. The House of 
Wittelsbach, it is true, stood in no very friendly relationship to 
Austria, as through it much injustice had been done to the 
Hapsburgers since the time that the latter obtained possession of 
the German Imperial throne ; and the Dukes of Bavaria had, 
more especially, to complain of the enormous robbery, perpetrated 
in 1505, of the rich territory of Landshut, the inheritance of Duke 
George. Ferdinand IL, moreover, had not, for a long time past, 
given evidence of having acted the part of a very dear friend 
towards the companion of his youth, Maximilian, or the part, 
indeed, of an honest man; for he had even been intriguing 
against him in every way, out of a feeling of jealousy, in order to 

* In the legal document to which this refers it is stated, among other things, 
" We have discovered that the authors of all this premeditated mischief were 
the Jesuits, who alone applied themselves thereto, as they rendered secure 
the Roman Chair, and were desirous of bringing all kingdoms and countries 
under their control and power. Towards accomplishing this end, however, 
they permitted themselves to make use of the most inadmissible means ; 
they urged the magistracy against the subjects, and the subjects against 
the magistracy ; they caused friends to take up arms against friends, and 
■ everywhere stirred up strife, uproar, and insurrection ; they arrogated to 
themselves on all occasions the political government, and promulgated the 
doctrine that whoever did not adhere to the Catholic rehgion sinned against 
truth and faith," &c. 



cause him to give up the leadership of the League ; and hesides, 
several other things had occurred that had naturally vexed the 
Bavarian princes. Might it not, then, have heen considered 
likely that Maximilian would have heen inclined to take advan- 
tage of the great straits in which the ruler of Austria then 
was, to procure satisfaction for all the former offences and 
injustice that had heen sustained by him ? One might certainly 
have thought so, indeed, and even supposed that the policy of 
the State would have called for such action ; but it was the desire 
of the Jesuits that it should be otherwise, and these were, as I 
have already shown, all-powerful at the Court of Munich. Thus, 
for instance, the Duke was unceasingly importuned by his Father 
Confessor, and other members of the Society of Jesus, to place 
himself at the head of the war, for the honour of God, the glory 
which would accrue to heroes of the true faith being depicted 
to him in glowing terms. Therefore, when, in the beginning of 
October 1619, the friend of his youth came to him in Munich, 
begging for aid, Maximilian not only did not refuse to give it to 
him, but, on the contrary, promised him his full support. And, 
indeed, a very disinterested treaty, as it proved, was concluded 
between them on the 8th October 1619. 

We shall now see, from the history of the Thirty Years' war, 
what effect this union between Ferdinand and Maximilian pro- 
duced, entirely brought about as it was by the art and cunning 
of the Jesuits, who were in this way successful in securing the 
victory of the former, instead of his downfall, in proof of which 
I must refer my readers to the history of that war. 

Such was the first indication of the extraordinary influence 
which the Jesuits exercised on the course of the great religious 
war, and I must now pass over to the consideration of the part 
they played in securing the Catholicizing and pacification of 

Alter the decisive battle of the White Hill at Prague, in 
November 1620, Duke Maximilian, overtaken by a temporary 
paroxysm of humanity, promised the Bohemians, in return for 
their unconditional submission, security of person as well as a 
complete amnesty, and the Bohemians naturally enough put con- 
fidence in bis princely word. Now, such a promise was extremely 
hateful to the Jesuits, as they unceasingly continued to thirst 
after the blood of the heretical leaders by whom, two years 


previously, they had been driven out of Bohemia, and con- 
sequently they perpetually beset the ears of the Emperor Ferdi* 
nand with the argument that he need not give himself any 
trouble about the plighted word of Maximilian. Ferdinand for 
a long time withstood their importunities, not wishing to rudely 
insult the man who had reconquered Bohemia for him, and 
who had crushed the insurrection in the other Austrian pro- 
vinces; at last, however, beginning to waver, he convoked a 
secret Clerical Council, in the beginning of June 1621, in order 
to arrive at a satisfactory determination. The chief speakers in 
this assembly were the two Imperial Father Confessors, the 
Jesuit Fathers Johann Weingartner and Martin Becanus,* as also 
four other members of the Order, among whom was the Eector 
of the College at Vienna, the greatly distinguished William 
Lamormain,t and the latter, with whom rested the casting vote, 
exclaimed with a firm voice that he would take upon himself and 
upon his conscience all the bloodshed which might occur. The 
Emperor now declared himself prepared to sign the sentence 
of death which had been long prepared by the Jesuits, and the 
tragedy commenced on the 21st of June 1621, by the murder of 
seven-and-twenty of the richest, most conspicuous, and most 
noble of the Bohemian nation. In the self-same hour, however, 
Ferdinand lay on his knees before the image of the Virgin Mother 
of God at xMariazell, to which he had made a pilgrimage, 
earnestly praying, as a true disciple of the Jesuits, for the souls 
of his victims. The affair, naturally, did not end with this 
*• first '* bloody sentence, but there now began a regular system 

* "^IS-^i^^®' P^<^P®^ly speaking, caUed Van der Beek, was born about the 
year 1561, in the vülage of Wölveren in Belgium. He entered into the Order 
ot Jesuits m the year 1583, and five years afterwards took upon himself, the 
duties of Professor of Theology in Cologne. In the same capacity he came 
10 Vienna m the year 1613, and, seven years later on, the Emperor Eerdi- 
nand promoted him to the office of Second Confessor, as the Father Wein- 
gartner had now become very old. He did not, however," retain this 
important office long, as he died in January 1624. 

t Wühelm Lamormain, or more properly called "Lämmermann," first 
saw the light at Ardenne, in the Luxemburg territory, about the year 
1Ö/U, and joined the Order when very young. In the main his career was 
m^ch the same as that of Becanus, only he advanced from Professor of 
J-heology to be Rector of the College in Grätz, and was, at the request of 
^erdinaud II transferred to Vienna and placed in a similar capacity there. 
J?erdinand felt himself uncommonly strongly drawn towards Lamormain, 
so that the latter exercised the greatest influence upon the Sovereign's 
determinations, and on that account, after the death of Becanus in 
T?!.^®*^^^ /' ^® ^*^ immediately raised to the dignity of the Emperor's 
d^lthi^mr^''''* ^"^^ *°*®*^ ^ *^^ capacity up to the time of his own 

17 * 



of Protestant persecution— more mean, cruel, and horribly bloody 
things happened, indeed, than can well be conceived— and, ac- 
cording to the evidence furnished by the Jesuits themselves, the 
originator of all this was their distinguished brother, William 
Lamormain. I will not further depict the horrors which were 
practised during the next lour years under the cloak of conversion 
from heresy. I will not speak thereof, or as to how and in what 
manner the whole of the non-Catholic community was robbed, not 
only of all civil, but of all human rights ; I will not relate anything 
further regarding their actions— the deeds, 1 mean, of the so- 
called Reformation Commission of Ferdinand, which was nothing 
else than an imitation of the Spanish tribunal of the Inquisition, 
having, as its characteristic, the same harsh barbarity, the same 
unlimited power of branding, cutting off noses and ears, as well 
as of hanging, beheading, and breaking on wheels. I will even 
pass over in silence the horrible military hatred aroused, which 
consisted in this, that the Croats, Cuirassiers, or Lichtensteiners, 
were employed, with drawn swords, in hunting down the people, 
forcing them to the Mass with dogs and whips, and throwing the 
refractory ones into cages in which they could neither sit, lie 
down, nor even stand, while they were compelled to witness, at the 
same time, the most horrible violence applied to their poor wives 
and daughters, until the husbands and fathers swore upon their 
knees to renounce heresy. All this, and much more, will I pass 
over. It is my duty, however, to mention the names of those 
who were leading spirits and instigators, for the most part, 
of those devilish persecutions, and they were no other than the 
Jesuit Fathers Adam Krawarsky, Andreas Metsch, Leonard 
Oppel, Kaspar Hillebrand, George Ferus, Ferdinand Kollowrat, 
Friedrich Bridel, and Mathias Vierius. What were the ter- 
rible results of this reign of terror, more especially to the 
unfortunate Bohemians, are related by the Jesuit historian 
Balbin, who was an eye-witness of the horrors he depicts; he says, 
indeed : " It is truly astounding that, after all that has taken 
place, there were any remaining inhabitants to be found;" but he 
adds, it is an established fact, on the other hand, that ** the 
existing population of these desolated lands completely recognise 
Catholicism, and Evangelical faith was entirely exterminated.'^ 

As a third proof of the extraordinary influence exercised by 
the Jesuits in the course of the great religious war in Germany, 


I must bring to notice the extinction of Protestantism in Silesia ; 
and, as a fourth, the murder of the great Frieslander, the Imperial 

The Silesian insurgents had, in the year 1621, submitted to the 
Emperor Ferdinand; not, however,* by force of arms, but in 
consequence of a solemn treaty entered into between the parties, 
which ensured a general amnesty to the inhabitants for their 
participation in the Bohemian insurrection, and granted a 
confirmation of all their rights and privileges, more especially 
that of religious liberty. This treaty was promulgated through- 
out the whole of Silesia, by the Emperor himself, on the 17th 
of July 1621, by means of public Patents, and no one living in 
the country could have thought there was any possibility that 
any Prince or Emperor could have been so dishonourable and 
devoid of all shame as to break such a solemn oath and engage- 
ment. But Ferdinand II. showed himself to be a worthy pupil 
of the* Jesuits, and the Fathers Martin Becanus and William 
Lamormain knew how to quiet his conscience. There conse- 
quently began a systematic persecution of the Silesian Protes- 
tants in the year following, and, as they did not at once burst 
out into rebellion, the same means were used to obtain this end 
as had been resorted to in Bohemia. "Extermination of heresy," 
was the watchword which the sons of Loyola preached from 
morning to night, and the Lichtensteiner, together with other 
inhuman warriors, served on this occasion as *' Saviour.'* With 
what unmeasured cruelty they, however, conducted themselves, 
may best be understood by this, that a Jesuit even. Father 
Nerlich of Glogan, was unable any longer to witness it, and on 
that account demanded his withdrawal from Father Lamormain 
in Vienna. But enough has been said on this subject. Silesia 
was, in this way, regained by the Jesuits, but in such a manner 
that the country lost half of its inhabitants, and sank into the 
greatest state of misery ! 

I come now to speak more particularly of the fourth proof 
of Jesuit influence; of the murder, mamely, of Albert Wenzel 
of Wallenstein, Duke of Friesland, Mecklenburg, and Sagan, 
beyond doubt the greatest General of all those who com- 
manded the Catholic armies in this war. The Jesuits had 
selected him as leader, on account of his having made the House 
of Hapsburg the all-ruling Power in Europe, and Ferdinand II. 



the absolute ruler of the German Empire, for the sons of Loyola 
never for one single instant left out of sight their great aim and 
object, that, namely, of a universal monarchy. He, then, the 
Frieslander, was the man for the business in hand ; not merely 
on account of his great talents as a commander, but, still more, 
because he had been educated at the College of Olmutz, and 
consequently his views were completely in accord with theirs. 
For a long time both of these parties had agreed well together, 
for at least the Frieslander had to thank the intercession of 
Father Lamormain, the most influential man at the Imperial 
Court, and in reality the Prime Minister, for the bestowal 
on him of the Dukedom of Sagan and Mecklenburg. Thus 
Wallenstein, his palm having been well greased, that is to say, 
having rich presents bestowed upon him, set himself zealously to 
work along with his coadjutors, to obtain for the Order of Jesus 
a firm footing in this hitherto Protestant country belonging to the 
Empire. As, however, later on, Wallenstein, on account •of the 
great straits to which the country was at that time reduced, had 
been appointed to be Generalissimo, with full dictatorial powers, 
and had taken such unlimited advantage of his dictatorship that 
not only the army, but the Court also, came to be completely 
under his control and guidance, a frightful feeling of resentment 
was aroused towards him in the mind of the Father Confessor 
of the Emperor, who had hitherto alone managed him, and con- 
ducted the ship of the State. This feeling of resentment on the 
part of the Jesuits became exchanged for perfect fury when 
they considered that the Frieslander had been raised to the giddy 
height on which he now stood, properly speaking, on their own 
shoulders; and they, therefore, at once resolved upon his down- 
fall, as soon as they became convinced that they could no longer 
make use of him as their tool. 

Of this state of matters, too, the Frieslander was not, indeed, 
in ignorance, and he frequently expressed himself to his most 
intimate confidants as hating the Jesuits from the bottom of his 
heart, so that, as soon as it was possible for him to do so, he 
would be prepared to hunt them out of the Empire. The sons 
of Loyola, however, were beforehand with him, and in com- 
bination with Maximilian of Bavaria, and his othor enemies, 
succeeded, av the beginning of the year 1634, in persuading the 
Kmperor Fe/dinand that now the time had arrived when this 


troublesome dictator was no longer required. The mere deposi- 
tion or removal of the hated man was not sufficient for them, 
as they had been taught to fear him ; what they desired was his 
death and complete disappearance from this world's stage, and, 
therefore, through the medium of Father Lamormain, they talked 
over the Emperor without much trouble, and got him to attach 
his signature to a death-warrant, which was carried into effect at 
Eger on the 24th of February 1634. It was they, besides, who 
made use of messengers and riders, in order to communicate 
with the treacherous captains under the Frieslander's command, 
and more especially with Gallas, Butler, and Piccolomini, and it 
v;as in their college at Prague where, according to the evidence 
of contemporaries, the decisive consultations took place as to 
the carrying out of the death-warrant. 

The fifth proof of the extraordinary influence of the Jesuits 
upon the course of the great religious war in Germany lay in 
the nefarious Restitution Edict, of which they were the framers, 
and which the Emperor Ferdinand IL, instigated solely by their 
advice and suggestions, issued, on the 6th of March 1 629, just 
as the fortunate turn of the war had placed him at the zenith 
of his power. According to this proclamation, the Protestants 
were required to give up all the cloisters, foundations, bishoprics, 
and church property which had been acquired by them since 
the Treaty of Passau in 15Ö2, in order that the same should 
be restored to their rightful, and formerly Catholic, owners. 
This, at first, immensely rejoiced the hearts of the whole Catholic 
priesthood, the bishops and archbishops of Germany, as well as 
of the Pope of Rome himself; but it was only at first, as it became 
apparent, after the lapse of a few years, what was the real 
meaning of the edict in question. It came out that the Em- 
peror Ferdinand, who retained expressly for himself the free 
disposition over those church properties, was by no means dis- 
posed to restore them to their former owners, but wished, on 
the contrary, to keep them for his own use and for the extension 
of his power, and, in fact, did so retain them for the most part.* 

* Pope Urban VIII., on that account, also complained in the strongest 
manner possible, in the year 1632, and replied quite ludicrously to the 
Jesuit Cardinal, Peter Pazman, whom Ferdinand had sent to him : — *' The 
great advantages which Sweden had at that time gained, were, undoubtedly, 
only a divine punishment for the non-restoration to the Church of the 
Church properties taken from the Protestants, and for the retention of the 
same for State purposes/' 



His edict set forth that the sons of Loyola had framed the 
proclamation in order that they should be able to expel by 
force those persons adhering to the Evangelical faith in all the 
territories evacuated by the Protestants, with the view of taking 
possession of all the churches, and everything pertaining to 
them ; in this way, they acquired them for their Order. With 
this object in view, also, the sons of Loyola were never, on 
any occasion, missing whenever an Imperial army entered a 
conquered city, the plea being that they must needs be required 
to incite the inhuman warriors to a still greater degree of fervour 
"to couch their lances for God's honour " against the Protestants, 
inflaming them to perpetrate, that is to say, even still more hor- 
rible deeds of cruelty. They must needs make their appearance 
wherever the Imperial or Leaguist banners penetrated, in order, 
with the aid of the soldiery, to see that such scenes of butchery 
were fully carried out, quite unrestrained, and to the same 
extent as were witnessed at the beginning of the war in Bohemia 
and Silesia! It is mentioned, for example, that Father Lorenz 
Forer, Professor at the Jesuit school of Dillingen, admonished 
the commander of the Imperial army with such words as these : 
*' Estote ferventes," that is lo say, '* Do not slacken in your 
zeal, but seize and commit to the flames in such a manner that 
it will be necessary for the angels to draw up their feet, and 
the stars begin to melt.*' It is also recorded that Father La 
Mornay, at the storming of the city of Olmutz by the Im- 
perial troops, murdered, with his own hand, three Protestant 
clergymen, and, as a reward, granted free absolution from all his 
sins for such a deed of horror to a brute who had dashed, against 
a wall the head of a child who was clinging to his feet. Then, 
again, the Fathers Jeremias Drexel, Franz Dübuisson, and 
Ignatius Plachy, together with many others of their brethren, 
often put themselves at the head of the battalions, and at the 
battle of Breitenfeld, in which Gustavus Adolphus completely 
defeated Tilly, a number of Loyolites were found among the 
dead. In this way, too, they entered Raufbeuren, and many 
other Suabian Imperial towns, along with the Imperial garrison 
troops, nine men in number, and, in the year 1630, compelled 
all the Protestant inhabitants either to migrate or else become 
Catholic ; between such alternatives they allowed of no excep- 
tion, not even in the case of the dying, the sick, the old,^ as, for 


instance, in that of the Burgomaster Lauber, who was seventy- 
six years old. It was thus, also, that Father Lamormain came 
in person to Augsburg, with the view of carrying out the Edict 
of Restitution, in conjunction with Konrad Reising, the rector 
of the college there, when, with the help of the soldiers which 
they brought along with them, all the Protestant schools and 
churches were either closed or pulled down; those of the in- 
habitants, too, who still adhered to Protestantism were driven 
to Muss with whips, and even migration, in this instance, 
was not allowed, unless they left their property behind them. 
" Such was the state of affairs throughout the whole of the 
Empire," writes a chronicler of these times; "whatever the 
Jesuits wished for was, by the Emperor's orders, forcibly 
carried out by the Spaniards against the Bavarians — what the 
commissaries insinuated, that the soldiers executed — and is it 
not sufficient to make mention of the miserable and frightful 
murders, robberies, and incendiarisms which were perpetrated ? " 
As the sixth, and last, proof of the influence of the Jesuits 
over the course of the Thirty Years' war, I may adduce the extra- 
ordinary efforts of the sons of Loyola in producing and main- 
taining a preconceived understanding to prevent, at any price, 
the conclusion of peace as long as a single Protestant existed. 
In the year 1632, Cardinal Richelieu endeavoured to put 
an end to the war, and in a manner which truly does great 
honour to this distinguished statesman. At that time Fer- 
dinand IL was, through the victorious career of Gustavus 
Adolphus, King of Sweden, hurled from his proud and giddy 
height into the dust, and, being in the direst need, it appeared, 
without doubt, that the House of Hapsburg would be compelled, 
after a short war, to conclude a very humiliating peace with the 
brave Swedish King and his Protestant allies, in the event of 
Maximilian L determining to maintain a neutral attitude with 
his League. In this wise, Bavaria might have been able to 
remain completely exempt from the war, and to raise itself up to 
be an intermediate power, so considerable, indeed, as to give 
the tone to Germany, thereby conferring such an advantage 
as any wise ruler might well have seized with both hands. 
The French Ambassador, Charnac, made use of all his eloquence 
in order to induce the Wittelsbaoher to take this view, and 
was supported by all the weight of the Committee of Country 








Delegates then assembled at Munich. But what would have 
become of a Hapsburg universal monarchy, according to the plan 
and design of the Jesuits, if Maximilian had been induced to 
take this course ? The latter fraternity, therefore, bestirred them- 
selves to the uttermost on the occasion, and Adam Contzen,* 
the Father Confessor of Maximilian, moved heaven and earth to 
dissuade him from according his consent to such a pernicious 
plan of action. He — and, as a matter of course, all the other 
Jesuits about the Court of Munich blew quite the same little 
horn — was of opinion, with others, that should the Electoral 
Prince refrain from taking a part in this war for the faith, he 
would not only forfeit all his preceding renown, but stigmatise 
himself with an indelible mark of shame. He, moreover, asked 
the Prince Elector how he could reconcile it to his conscience to 
favour the victory of the heretics by entering into a treaty of 
neutrality with the Swedish King, and whether, in that case, he 
had taken into consideration that he would be necessitated 
to grant toleration to the Protestants in Bavaria. In short, he 
contrived to establish in the mind of his high confessant such a 
panic that Maximilian determined to prosecute the war still 
further, and to allow himself to be used as an advanced rampart 
against the Swedish King, to the unspeakable misery of Germany 
in general, and of Bavaria in particular. 

In this way it came about, entirely through the Jesuits, that 
peace was not concluded in the year 1632, and in the same 
manner in the years 1635 and 1638 their efforts in this 
direction were equally successful. In the year 1635, the 
Austrian Court, by the so-called Peace of Prague, succeeded in 
dissolving the alliance of Saxony and Sweden ; and this said 
peace was of incalculable value to the Emperor Ferdinand, as 
his resources at that time were completely exhausted, so much 
80 as to render it almost impossible for him to carry on the war 
any longer with all of his former enemies. Nevertlicless, the 
Jesuits, with Father Lamormain at their head, continued to hurl 

♦ Father Contzen, bom in the year 1575 at Montjoye, in the Dukedom of 
Ziilich, entered into the Jesuit Order in the year 1595, and beep me in the 
year 1617, from being Professor of Theology in the College at Itla>ence, Con- 
fessor of the Bishop Johann Gottfried of Würzburg. He was ad^fr.ced, how- 
ever, after the death of Johann Buslidius, in the year 1623, to be Confessor 
to the Electoral Prince Maximilian I., and remained in this influential 
position up to the time of his death, in the year 1635. I may observe, by 
the way, that Buslidiua had been for twenty-eight years the keeper o| 
Maximilian's conscience. 

fire and flames over this peace, and sought with all their 
eloquence to prevent the Catholic Electors from giving their 
consent to it, while they daily continued to urge the Emperor to 
break it. With this said instrument of peace, religious liberty 
would, of course, have been granted to the Lutherans, and the 
enforcement of the Jesuit Edict of Kestitution have ceased. 

The Hapsburger was now driven to such shifts that he was 
unable to do anything else but render obedience to his Father 
Confessor, and he consequently, compelled by necessity, had 
only to await a more favourable opportunity. Ferdinand II. at 
this time died, having drawn down upon himself the curses of 
Germany, as the people, through him, had fallen into a most 
miserable condition. They at once implored Amelia Elizabeth 
of Hesse, the guardian of the new Emperor, Ferdinand III., 
then a boy of eight years of age (1637-57), to hold out the 
hand of peace under the same conditions as Saxony had done. 
The new Emperor, being strenuously urged by Bernhard of 
Weinlar, now empowered the Electoral Prince, Anselm Kasimir, 
Archbishop of Mayence, with the conduct of this highly im- 
portant business, and he succeeded in bringing it to a conclusion 
in August 1038, under very favourable conditions to Austria. 
All the secular counsellors of Ferdinand exult:'^ much over this 
treaty, and, for the most part, the majority of the ecclesiastical 
dignitaries were also delighted. It was only the Jesuits who 
resisted it with hands and feet, and uttered such a wail of 
misery over it that even the reformer — Hesse was an adherent 
of Calvinism — was obliged ito agree to promise legal toleration 
to the most hated of all hated creeds. 

What a piece of good fortune was it for them, however, that 
the Emperor had, ns Father Confessor, Johann Gans,* the most 
skilled of all their body, and it was a still greater stroke of good 
luck that, through their urgent entreaties, the monarch allowed 
himself to be induced not to ratify the treaty ! The Land- 
gravine, therefore, renewed an alliance with Sweden, and her brave 
army henceforth fought on the Protestant side up to the 
termination of the war. 

* Johann Gans, born in Würzburg territory, and a Jesuit from 1610, 
accompanied Ferdinand III., previous to his accession to the throne, in his 
campaign as camp preacher, and became afterwards his confessor for fully 
twenty-two years. He survived his master, moreover, about five years, as 
he died in the year 1662, while the Emperor died in the year 1657. 





Thus did the Jesuits go on further and further, and it was in 
vain that the deputies who were, in the autumn of 1640, assem- 
hled at Ratishon, urged the Emperor to grant a general amnesty, 
for the present at least, whereby a reconciliation might have 
been eflfected between Austria and the Protestants. The Emperor, 
however, did not do so, not being able to get the consent of the 
Jesuits thereto. On the contrary, they opposed the idea of a 
general amnesty as a thing thoroughly sinful and objectionable, 
and with the greatest bitterness continued to urge the further 
prosecution of the war, which should never be allowed to cease 
before the complete extermination of the Protestants was effected ; 
and this is proved by a public document published at that time, 
in the name of the Order, by Father Lorenz Forer, of whom I 
have already made mention. 

Ultimately, however, the demand for an amnesty became of 
necessity altogether too urgent for the Emperor to be able to 
adhere to these principles as laid down by the Jesuits, and con- 
sequently peace negotiations were commenced in 1643, at 
Osnabrück and Münster, between the different contending 
parties, together with foreign countries, France and Sweden 
being powerfully represented. All Germany now breathed 
afresh, as it was clearly to be perceived that the work of 
peace was taken up in real earnest, and, tired to death with 
the long fearful struggle, it was hoped by both Catholics and 
Protestants that an end should thus be put to the war as soon 
as possible ; for still, during the time the negotiations were 
proceeding, combats and battles went on as before, and to the 
blood* thirsty deeds which had already taken place new ones were 
constantly being added. In spite of everything, it was, not- 
withstanding, fully five years before these negotiations were 
brought to a conclusion ; and who was it that was to blame for 
all this delay, during which the poor Fatherland was completely 
exhausted almost to destruction ? It was no one else than the 
Order of Jesus ! The first thing that was demanded and 
required by the Protestants was unconditional religious liberty, 
as well as rights and 'privileges, especially as regards those 
appertaining to them by birth, equal with those enjoyed by the 
Catholics, unless these essential conditions were at once con- 
ceded no consent could be given by them to any peace, as 
otherwise they would be left without any rights ; but even these 

preliminary conditions were rejected by the Jesuits as an abso* 
lute religious outrage, while they urged the Emperor rather 
to hand over the finest districts of Germany to France and 
Sweden than to give his consent to such terms. And not only 
did they continue to urge this upon the Emperor, but they also 
brought all their influence to bear upon the lesser and greater 
Catholic powers and Imperial Princes which were represented in 
the Peace Congress. What, however, the result of their machi- 
nations must have been can be best measured by the fact that at 
that time there was neither a single prince throughout the whole 
Catholic world, nor, indeed, a minister and statesman, whose con- 
science was not in the keeping of some member of the Society of 
Jesus. They so contrived to manage, above everything, that the 
peace negotiations should be carried on entirely at Münster and 
Osnabrück, as in both of these towns they possessed colleges, 
and the Bishop of Osnabrück, the leader of the Imperial Catholic 
Princes, happened to be their particular friend. This said 
ecclesiastical dignitary, by name Francis William, an illegitimate 
son of Duke Ferdinand of Bavaria, was educated by the sons of 
Loyola at their college in Ingoldstadt, from the time of his 
being nine years old, and he consequently imbibed similar prin- 
ciples to those of his cousin Maximilian, and could not, there- 
fore, be less Jesuitically inclined. Whatever influence he then 
exercised by his great eloquence and his high connection, at the 
Congress, whither he had been sent as representative of seven- 
teen Catholic votes, was in the spirit of his teachers, and even 
the two Generals of the Order, Vitelleschi and Caraffa, who held 
that high office at the time of the Congress, and were personally 
present at it, could not have watched over the interests of the 
Order better than he did. Equally active as himself, too, were 
the Jesuit professors who conducted the instruction given at 
the colleges of Münster and Osnabrück, and more especially the 
two Fathers, Johannes Mühlman and Gottfried Coeler, together 
with their Rector, Johannes] Schüchling, all of whom could not 
be excelled in Jesuitical cunning, and who, in fact, were perfect 
specimens of their Order. There was no ambassador there from 
any of the Catholic Princes with whom they had not daily 
intercourse, and there was no chamber where they had not 
their spies, who could not even be excluded from the residences 
of the Protestant plenipotentiaries. The garden-pavilion of the 



THE I>0WBEFÜL influence OF THE JESUITS. 271 

Münster college, however, was the great Catholic rendezvous 
where their consultations were held, under the presidency of 
the Spanish ambassador, their resolutions being moulded, as 
may well be imagined, in true Jesuit style. 

By such means they succeeded in putting off the work of 
peace during a period of fully five years, and, assuredly, had 
not Ferdinand III., in the year 1648, given authority to his 
ambassador, Count Maximilian von Trautmannsdorf, "the Angel 
of Peace,*' as he was rightly called by many, to view with favour 
the desired concessions demanded by the Protestants, in the ques- 
tion of religious liberty — had it also not been that at this time 
the impetuous Wrangel had succeeded in completely shattering 
into a thousand pieces the last army which the Emperor had 
been able to bring to the front, things would have continued as 
they were. Under such circumstances, however, as those stated, 
he was obliged to yield, and thus it came about that the 
earnestly desired peace was at length concluded, on the 24th 
October 1648, which went by the name of the Treaty of West- 

But how did matters look at that time in Germany ? Ah ! 
indeed, the Thirty Years' war, with its terrible ills produced by 
fire and sword, had brought about such a condition as pen could 
hardly describe. Thousands of towns and villages were in 
ruins; the most luxuriant plains, whole districts of country, 
before pastured by flocks and herds, were now converted into 
wildernesses where only wild beasts were to be found. There still 
remained in existence, it is true, but brutalised, and sunk as low 
often as mere animals, young and old, buried, alas ! in such 
complete ignorance, that many could not tell the difference 
between Christ and the Devil. In short, it was a condition of 
things which could not be more pitiable, and which iiany years 
of peace could not by any possibility restore. And, notwith- 
standing all this cruel suffering, the Jesuits had strained their 
very utmost in order that a union might not be brought about; 
and when at length it was effected in spite of all their endeavours, 
they refused to take the state of affairs at all into consideration, 
and received it with a hearty curse. 

It was not, under such circumstances, to be wondered at, that 
instead of, as they had hoped, extending their power and 
influence over the whole of Germany, the) had now to be con- 

tented with only two- thirds of it. On the other hand, they 
could, it is true, boast of the conquest of those two-thirds as 
being a victory of greater importance than that which they had 
attained in any other European State, as at the conclusion of 
peace they were in possession, in Austria, Bavaria, and the other 
different ecclesiastical principalities, of no fewer than one hundred 
and eighteen colleges throughout the whole Empire, along with 
a corresponding number of residences, as well as novitiates and 
profess-houses ; yet still, notwithstanding all this, there could 
not be a greater grief for them than to see as a certainty that, 
through the Peace of Westphalia, so large a field for their 
operations had been snatched from them by a stroke of the 
pen^.5a_to-speak . 

VI. — The Sway of the Jesuits in England and other 

Northern Kingdoms. 

The Jesuits were not nearly so successful in establishing them- 
selves in any of the northern European states, with the single 
exception of Poland, and on that account I will be very brief in 
this last description of Jesuit progress. 

By the tyrannical conduct of Henry VIII., England 
became disunited from the sway of Rome, and as long as 
this monarch lived everything having the name of Catholic 
was banished from his country. The founder of the Jesuit 
Order grieved very much indeed over this circumstance, and at 
once despatched his two disciples, Pasquier-Brouet and Sal- 
meron, in order to ascertain whether there was no soil to be 
found to his mind for the construction of a colony. Brouet and 
Salmeron soon became convinced that there was nothing to be 
done there, and at once embarked for the Emerald Island, as 
Ireland is commonly called, in order to give support to the 
inhabitants thereof, in their strenuous resistance to Henry VIII. 
and his reforming efforts. But here, also, they were not allowed 
to remain long, as Henry very soon brought his rebellious 
subjects into subjection by means of blood and iron; and the 
Jesuit emissaries had to fly for their lives. Little was also 
effected in Scotland, as John Knox, the great reformer, had 
the whole population at his back in his controversy with the 

These conditions, so inimical to the Jesuits, changed for their 







advantage after the short interregnum of Edward VI , when the 
daughter of Henry VIIL, by his marriage with Catherine of 
Aragon, Mary I., commonly called Bloody Mary, and in Scot- 
land Mary Stuart, the daughter of James V. and of Mary of 
Loraine, respectively came to the throne, as both sovereigns had 
been strictly brought up in the Catholic faith. Notwithstanding 
however, that such gigantic efforts were made by the Romanists, 
with the powerful co-operation of the sons of Loyola, especially 
the two Fathers Edmund Hay and Thomas Dasbi re, to eradicate 
the remnants of Protestantism — notwithstanding that great cruelty 
was also exercised, and so much Protestant blood was shed, still, 
for all this tragical state of things, the Jesuits had eventually 
to evacuate Great Britain completely, as soon as the celebrated 
Elizabeth in England (anno 1658), and the Eari of Murray, as 
Regent for the under-aged James VI., in Scotland, seized the 
reins of government (anno 1568). As a matter of course, how- 
ever, the sons of Loyola, in their exertions to establish their 
influence in the British Islands, did not entirely leave off their 
machinations, but, on the other hand, continued them still more, 
as well in Rome itself as on French territory, by the erection of 
seminaries in Douay and Rheims, and, later on, in St. Omer, 
Liege, and elsewhere on the continent, with the view of educating 
young Englishmen according to Popish and Jesuitical views 
and doctrines ; from these institutions emissaries proceeded from 
time to time to England, under all sorts of disguises, in order to 
create dissension in the kingdom.* Still the prime and original 
aim and object thereof — namely, to found permanent settlements 
— the Order never succeeded in effecting; and Great Britain may 
well boast of hardly ever having seen the banner of Loyola 
displayed on its soil. Equally might Denmark and Sweden 
participate in this boast, though in the latter country this 
result was not achieved without contention and strife. 

After that here — I mean in Sweden — the Reformation had been 
introduced by Gustavus I., and Catholicism had been completely 
extinguished, the Jesuits entertained the belief that, under the 
second son and successor of this ruler (1568-1592), the proper 

* As such emissaries, Edmund Campian, Rudolph Serevin, Alexander 
Briant, and Robert Person, were especially conspicuous during the reign of 
Elizabeth, disguised at one time as soldiers, and at another as merchants. 
Person was also the author of various lampoons against the Queen, and the 
same was the case as regards Edmund Campian. 

time had arrived for making a favourable impression for them- 
selves in Swedish territories, seeing that John III. had married, 
in the person of Catherine, a sister of King Sigismund-AugustUs 
of Poland, a very good Catholic princess, who contrived to indoc- 
trinate him completely after her own wish. They did not dare, 
however, to go about the matter openly, because otherwise the 
people, being zealous for their Evangelical faith, would have cer- 
tainly risen in rebellion ; the King consequently was talked over 
quite quietly, and induced, in the first instance, to allow of some 
Jesuit Fathers coming into the country secretly. The Fathers 
then made their appearance with Lorenzo Nicolai from Louvaine, 
and conducting themselves as Protestant theologians, in this 
manner, through the peremptory decree of John, situations 
were found for them in the newly-erected university of Upsala. 
Their secret operations, however, proceeded in much too slow 
a manner to please Eberhard Mercurien, the General of the Order 
in Rome, and he consequently despatched Anton Possevin, whose 
acquaintance we have already made in Savoy, in order to induce 
the King to allow the worship of the Catholic religion to be 
exercised openly. Possevin, who came, however, in the capa- 
city of an Imperial ambassador, did not carry the matter so far 
as that, but managed at the same time that John came over 
secretly to Catholicism, and after that he had taken Father 
Stanislaus Versovicius, his wife's spiritual adviser, to be his own 
Father Confessor, he caused a chapel to be erected in his palace, 
in which he permitted Mass to be read daily, according to the 
Catholic rite. Of far greater consequence, however, was it that, 
in order to make it possible for his son and successor to be 
elected King of Poland, he allowed him to be brought up in the 
Catholic religion; and in this manner Sweden was prepared 
to a certain degree, so that the true faith might, on the 
accession of Sigismund, be publicly introduced. Both of these 
circumstances seemed, in fact, to be on the eve of being accom- 
plished, for the latter was properly elected King by the Poles 
in the year 1587, as the next heir of Sigismund-Augustus II.; 
and as, in the year 1592, John III. died, the young monarch 
thus succeeded to the throne of Sweden. What could now be 
more natural than that he who had been educated by the Jesuits, 
and was completely in their hands, should, on his accession, 
being urged on by them to do so, seek to find an entrance for 





Catholicism into the kingdom of Sweden also? The Swedish 
Deputies, on that account, assembled on the 9th of January 1593, 
at üpsala, aod unanimously passed a resolution that for the 
future the Augshurg Confession of Faith should alone have any 
effect throughout the whole of their Fatherland ; this was signed 
by all present, viz. by the senate and knighthood, by the clergy, 
by the ministers of state, by the governors of provinces, and by 
all the burgomasters. 

What, then, did Sigismund do ? To commence with, he tried 
to get possession of the Swedish throne without taking the- 
required oath ; failing, however, to succeed in this, and seeing 
that an insurrection threatened to break out, he acted on the 
advice of the Jesuits, and swore everything that was demanded of 
him, but with the Loyolite inner reservation of at once breaking 
his oath whenever it suited him so to do. 

He thus succeeded in getting himsel* crowned, and did not 
trouble himself any more about his oath, but brought his beloved 
Jesuits into Stockholm, and gave over to them several of the 
churches which he had seized and taken from the Protestants. 
Besides which he appointed Catholic councillors, and permitted 
processions to be formed ; he required, too, that Jesuit villages 
should be allowed throughout the whole country, and revoked the 
Kesolution of Upsala on the ground of its being illegal. This 
proceeding, of course, exceedingly displeased the Swedish De- 
puties, who at once energetically protested against it ; but finding 
their efforts of no avail, they raised an army and defeated the troops 
bh)ught from Poland by Sigismund, and, declaring the Swedish 
throne to be now vacant, they at length placed Duke Charles 
of East Gothland upon the throne on the 18th of March 1607. 

The short triumph, then, of the Society of Jesus had now 
come to an end, and its disciples were at once sent to the 
rightabout, and never again returned to Sweden. But no, I am 
wrong in saying so, as they did return once more under 
Queen Christine, the daughter of Gustavus Adolphus, " the lion 
of midnight," who accomplished such great things for the 
Protestants during the thirty years' war. They did not, however, 
come openly as Jesuits, but secretly in the disguise of savants, as in 
the case of the physician Bourdetol, and the two mathematicians, 
Paul Cassati and Francis Malines ; or as the innocent chaplams 
of foreign ambassadors, as, for instance, the Fathers Mannerschid 


and Anton Macedo, the former of whom accompanied the 
Spanish, and the latter the Portuguese ambassadors. They did 
not even obtain anything of advantage for their Order, or for the 
Catholic religion, from the Queen, when the said monarch laid 
down her crown previously to abjuring her faith, which she did 
on the 24th December 1664, at Brussels, at the hands of Father 
Guemes; this change of religion, indeed, did not produce in 
Sweden the smallest results. It is affirmed, indeed, that when 
she came back on a solitary occasion to Stockholm, she did not 
even once exercise her newly-assumed religion. 

Quite a different result was obtained, indeed, by the sons of 
Loyola in Poland, in which country the Catholic religion still pre- 
vailed, even after the Reformation, although not a few of the in- 
habitants, to the extent of something like a fourth part, recognised 
the Protestant faith. The first person in that country who brought 
the Black Fathers into it was the Bishop of Wilna, under whose 
protection Father Magius founded a college there, which was 
afterwards regarded as a nursery for all the later Jesuit colonies 
in Poland and Lithuania. The Jesuits had chiefly to thank for 
their prosperity Stephan Bathori, who, in the year 1576, was 
elected by the Poles to be their King, for the cunning Fathers so 
contrived to ingratiate themselves, during the ten years in which he 
held the reins of government, that he almost overwhelmed them 
with riches. In this way there were established in the territory 
of Cracow, in addition to a profess-houee and novitiate, not less 
than seventeen colleges and seminaries, besides eight residences, 
the number of members of the Order amounting to about six 
hundred ; while in the territories of Warsaw and Livonia there 
were two profess-houses, one novitiate, fifteen colleges, and 
four residences, with about five hundred members of the 
Order. They, indeed, even pushed their advanced posts as far 
as Riga and Smolensk, obtaining a settlement in the dis- 
tant town of Novgorod. Whatever advantages, however, they 
in this way obtained for themselves, they caused infinitely 
greater injury to the Polish nation; for as soon as the sons of 
Loyola got a really firm footing in any locality, they began, 
partly with closed and partly also with open vizor, to take the 
field against the Protestant and non-Catholic party, which had, 
up to this time, according to established law, enjoyed complete 
religious liberty, and there arose then, in consequence of this 

18 * 




State of things, those internal disturbances in the kingdom 
which eventually, after the lapse of a century, terminated in 
the downfall of Polish independence. I need hardlv here enter 
into any particulars descriptive of Jesuit proceedings, as the 
manner in which the Loyolites went to work was precisely the 
same as that pursued by them during the great religious war in 
Germany. I must content myself by remarking how the en- 
lightened among the Poles saw clearly, by the end of the 16th 
century, from what source arose the disorganisation in the State, 
and to what it must eventually lead. It is stated in a memo- 
randum communicated to the nobility of Prossnowitz, among 
other things, as follows : — 

" The Jesuits have no idea of taking the trouble to persuade 
those of a different belief from themselves, but, on the contrary, 
just busy themselves in persecuting and harassing them, con- 
tinually keeping up a state of religious rancour. They make 
use of their most experienced and sharp-witted members more 
in flattering the ruling passions of those about the Court than 
in restricting themselves to the education of the youth, whereby 
influence might be brought to bear on the election of kings, as 
well as the issue of decrees made on royal authority. It was 
they who initiated the disturbances io Livonia, Riga, Lithuania, 
and Volynia, and it was they who were the means of expelling 
the Protestant clergymen from Cracow, without any respect to 
sickness or old age, in order to take possession of their churches, 
and, indeed, under these circumstances several temples of God 
were even set on fire. The colleges, seminaries, and profess- 
houses which they build resemble palaces and fortified citadels, 
and seem exactly adapted to enable traitors to hold out against 
the Fatherland. It is their design and chief object to create 
disturbances, and to resist all who are known as honest and 
good patriots. On this account there is nothing else for it, in 
order to save the State, but to drive them out of it, and from 
the whole country, as the celebrated Dr. Pir and the Imperial 
Chancellor, Zamoyski, have already expressed themselves." 

It was in this manner that the well-minded among the Poles 
thought as to the Society of Jesus at the end of the 16th 
century ; but the latter had at that time gained such a firm 
footing, as well at Court as among the nobility, giving the tone 
to Polish society, that their opinions were also acceptable to the 


Parliament, and consequently, in 1717, the sons of Loyola at 
length attained the object they had in view, namely, the com- 
plete suppression of all that was anti- Catholic, as well as the 
deprivation of the political rights appertaining to the dissenters. 
On account, however, of this fanatical line of conduct a civil 
war broke out, whereon the latter class were taken under the pro- 
tection of Russia ; matters, indeed, reached such a pitch that the 
atfair at last ended in the dissolution of the Polish kingdom, and 
its partition. 

It still remains for us to speak of the öway of Jesuitism in 
Russia, the most powerful of all the northern kingdoms; but 
this may be done in but few words, as the Order never obtained 
much power in that country. It is true, certainly, that the 
above-mentioned Father Possevin made an attempt to esta- 
blish for himself a position in this very extensive dominion, 
and in various disguises endeavoured to effect something in the 
provinces bordering upon Sweden. Wherever he knocked, how- 
ever, no one opened the door to him, as the people, both high 
and low, continued to adhere to the long-established Greek faith, 
and would have nothing to say whatever to the combatants for 
the Roman Catholic Church, more especially as regards Papacy. 
The consequence was that Possevin left Russia, with the few 
companions who accompanied him on his several erratic crusades, 
without having accomplished anything whatever; at length, 
however, at the beginning of the 1 7th century, a way suddenly 
presented itself for penetrating into the great northern empire, and 
although the path was indeed but a very crooked one — almost, it 
may be said, a very criminal one — the Jesuits still did not for a 
a moment hesitate in forcing a passage for themselves. It so 
occurred that after the death of the Czar Iwan II. Wasiljewitch, 
surnamed ** the Terrible," there came to the throne the under-aged 
grandson, Feodor I. Iwanowitch, in the year 1584, and for him 
Prince Boris Feodorowitch Godonow, the husband of his sister 
Irina, wielded the sceptre. As regards this Boris, however, a 
tyrannical and anjbitious man, it was whispered about that he 
had caused the only brother of Feodor, the Grand Duke 
Dmitri or Demetrius, to be murdered, in order that he might 
the more easily seize the reins of government after the death of 
the sickly Feodor. The course of things, also, seemed to con- 
firm this suspicion, as Feodor, and together with him the last of 




the: Stock of Rorik, actually died in the year 1698, when Boris 
at once possessed himself of the throne, and the majority of 
the people, even including the nobility, recognised him as Gzar. 
'She extreme severity, however, with which he sought to carry 
out, among the Russian people, his detested innovations, as 
^ell as the circumstance of his conferring favours upon foreigners 
resident at his Court, raised against him a number of enemies, 
so that a spark was only required to cause flames to burst out 
from below the smouldering ashes. During this time of fer- 
imentation a man presented himself on the frontiers of Poland 
claiming to be the murdered Dmitri, but who, in fact, was no 
other than a young monk escaped from the Greek cloister of 
Ischudow, having the name of Grischka Otrepiew, and this man 
fell into the hands of the Polish Jesuit Father, Nicolaus 
Knermkowsky. This false Dmitri, brought into a Jesuit college 
in Livonia, was there educated in the Catholic religion, and no 
doubt at the same time instructed as to the part he was required 
to play, as testified, at least, the impartial Thuan in the history 
of his times. After this individual had been properly schooled, 
the Jesuits then presented him to their true friend and patron, 
the Wojewode of Sandomir, Mniszeck, and contrived to allure 
the latter completely by a promise of marriage between his 
daughter Marina and the new comer. In this way the Wojewode 
was at once induced to recognise the impostor as the veritable 
Dmitri, and by reason of his powerful influence, as well as by 
the still greater interest of the Jesuits, they succeeded in gaining 
over to the side of the pretender not only the King Sigis- 
mund III., but also most of the Polish nobilit) ; so much so, 
that Mniszeck was enabled, in the autumn of 1603, to collect 
together a large army with the view of fighting, in the interest 
of his son in-law, against the Czar Boris. The war began in the 
spring of the year, and out of hatred to the stern Boris, not a 
few of the Russians came over to the invading pretender. 

In the course of twelve months, then, matters advanced so 
far that the possessor of the Russian throne might well see in 
prospect his decisive discomfiture, and in order to secure the 
1 succession for his only son Feodor, who was beloved by the 
Russians, he ended his life by taking poison. Feodor was, as 
a matter of fact, made Czar, but about two months afterwards, 
during an unfortunate battle, he was taken . prisoner by the 


victorious Dmitri and forthwith strangled. ^The latter then ma^e 
his entry into Moscow in great triumph, and with the utmost 
pomp caused himself to be crowned Emperor. 

Who could now exult more than the Jesuits ? Their great 
voup had proved successful, and the false Demetrius, who had 
given his promise that they should be domiciled throughout 
the whole of Russia in the event of' his pretendership proving 
successful, now sat upon the golden throne of the Kremlin. 
Dmitri v., as he called himself, in fact, now proceeded to 
take steps to fulfil his promise, and built for his advisers 
and protectors a magnificent college in Moscow. ^ He also 
replied to Pope Paul V., with whom he now entered into 
correspondence, that his intention was to make the Catholic 
religion supreme throughout Russia, if he were only allowed 

I the time requisite to overcome the prejudices of' his subjects. 
Circumstances were now, in short, highly favourable to them, 
and the Order of Jesus began to dream that' they were already 
masters of the whole of Russia. The goddess of fortune, 
coming so suddenly, was, however, succeeded as unexpectedly 
by misfortune. Dmitri had scarcely established himself on the 
throne a year and a half when, at the beginning of the year 

» 1607, just on the very day that he was solemnizing his marriage 
with Marina daughter of the Wojewode of Sandomir, an insur- 
rection broke out, and the people, led on by Prince Wasili 
Schuiski, proceeded to storm the Kremlin. Dmitri and his 
Poles, indeed, fought valiantly, but numbers soon prevailed, 
and Dmitri himself fell under the blows of Wasili Schuiski. 

Thus did his government come to a quick termination, and 
at the same time, as may be well understood, there was also an 
end of the existence of the Jesuits in Russia, as Wasili hunted 
them as well as the Poles out of the country, and henceforth 
the Greek religion remained for centuries predominant through- 
out this great Empire. 

I have now brought to a close the prolonged chapters upon 
the sway of the Jesuits in Asia, Africa, Amerioa, and 'Europe, 
and it only remains to express a hope that the reader has not 
become weary in following my statements. Small, indeed 
almost imperceptible, was the beginning ; but immeasurably great, 
almost overpowering, in fact, was the ultimate result. A hundred 



years after the foundation of the Order, its General ruled as 
absolute monarch in all parts of the world, and the different 
kingdoms of Europe, Asia, Africa, and America lay at his feet 
divided into provinces. Over each province was placed a pro- 
vincial, as lieutenant of the General, and every month it was 
the duty of this provincial to send in his report to his General. 
The rectors of colleges as well as the superiors of residences, 
and the professors and heads of seminaries and novitiates, along 
with the leaders of missions, had to do so likewise ; and from 
these thousands of reports the General was in possession of the 
most accurate information regarding all that was going on in 
the world. Moreover, by means of the Father Confessors at 
the various Courts, he was initiated into all the secrets of these 
latter, and he was, indeed, better informed respecting them 
than evfen the respective ministers themselves. One chief thing 
to be guarded against, however, was that none of these tale- 
bearers should prove false to him, and on that account each 
one of them was provided with an assistant who was also in 
direct communication with the General ; and this control was so 
precise, that each of the above-mentioned provincials, rectors, 
superiors, or whatever other office might happen to be held by ' 
those in high positions among the sons of Loyola, had to be 
careful to report nothing but the exact truth. The con- 
sequence was, that the Society of Jesus, at the height of its 
prosperity, could be likened to nothing better than to a huge 
net, which extended itself all over the world, the cords whereof 
were all collected into the hands of the General; in this net 
the greater part of mankind tumbled about, just as fish when 
the fisherman draws the meshes together closer and closer. 
However great, then, any king or monarch might consider him- 
self, he was but a weak vessel compared to the General of the 
Society of Jesus ; it was 'therefore said of Claudio Aquaviva, 
who governed the Order between the years 1581 and J 615, that 
he once exclaimed, ''Why are there not regions beyond the 
stars, that one might be able to conquer other worlds than that 
pertaining to earth ? " 










Kommt die Treu vor der Jesuiten Haus, 
So sagt mann ihr ; der Wirth sei aus ; 
Kommt die Weisheit gezogen dafür, 
Find't sie zugeschlossen die Thür; 
Kommt Zucht und Ehr dieselbe Strass', 
Sie müssen alsbald fürbass; 
Kommt Christenlieb' und war' gern ein 
So will Niemand ihr Thorwart sein ; 
Kommt Wahrheit und klopft an, 
So müss sie aussen bleiben stahn ; 
Kommt Gerechtigkeit vor das Thor, 
So findet sie Ketten und Riegel vor; 
Kommt aber das Weibs volk hergeloffen, 
So stehen ihm alle Thüren offen. 

Drum Jeder komm' und schau' euch an, 

Hier ist die Deck' euch abgezogen; 
Die Wahrheit hat nun dargethan. 

Wie ihr bis jezt die Welt betrogen. 
Man kennt die Sodomiterei, 

Die ihr verübt in euren Schulen ; 
Doch wer mag melden ohne Scheu 

Eur fündhaf unnatürlich Buhlen. 
O Schlangenzucht I O Natterbrut 1 

Die Wittwen, die euch sind zu Willen, 
Genügen nicht? Auch nicht die Gluth, 

Die ihr mit Honnen pflegt zu stillen? 

Aus dem ^^ JesuitenspiegelJ" 

I Hl 





[This book has been somewhat modified to render it presentable to English 
readers. One chapter has, indeed, been omitted in extenso ; even with these 
alterations there is much which would have been better omitted, were it not 
that it has not been deemed right to sacrifice entirely historical accuracv 
at the shrme of morality and propriety.] 

I WOULD willingly have shrouded this chapter, or, indeed, the 
entire book, iu the mantle of night, as the theme of which it 
treats is not such as to enable anyone to dilate on it with 
any degree of pleasure; but, before everything, truth must 
have precedence, and, moreover, how can one form a proper 
judgment of the real character .of the Order of Jesus, if this 
side of their ways and doings be not brought before the judg- 
ment-seat of public opinion ? I mean that side of the question 
relating to matters connected with morality. But, further it 
would undoubtedly have been the case that the sons of Loyola, 
as in the first period of their existence, would have been looked 
upon in quite a different light, had it not been possible to break 
down quickly the gigantic tower of Jesuit power and influence, 
of the immensity of which I have given a description in the 
former book, and had revelations as to the true state of the 
foundations upon which the fabric rested been excluded from 
consideration. On this account my historical description of the 
Jesuits would have been very incomplete had I, from a feeling of 
delioacy, omitted the book concerning the " Morality of the 



Society of Jesus/' and spared the reader from becoming 
acquainted with facts which must fill him with disgust as well 
as abhorrence. On the other hand, I shall proceed to make 
mention of even the most reprehensible matters, in such a way 
as not to soil my hands, and, moreover, it must be permitted to 
me to make my descriptions with as much brevity as possible. 

"It were much to be desired," said the holy Basilius, the 
great founder of Eastern monkdom, " that rill those who take 
upon themselves the * vow of chastity,' should completely renounce 
all worldly pleasures, and have nothing whatever to do with 
the senses, but be entirely released from them altogether ; but, 
unfortunately, let such persons do what they will, they still find 
that, after all, they are but men, and cannot completely banish 
from themselves at all times the feelings incident to frail 
mortality." The truth of this proposition is acknowledged by all 
celebates, whether they be monks, nuns, or ordinary ecclesiastics, 
and priests have to undergo frequent severe battles with them- 
selves in this respect Many, feeling themselves valiant, have 
subdued their passions by starving, and ether means ; but 
bv far the greater majority have found themselves unable to 
conquer their natural inclinations, and have thus sinned just 
as other children of Adam and Eve. So, by degrees, vice got 
the upper hand in the cloisters as well as among the ordinary 
priesthood, and, at the time of the Reformation, the whole of the 
Catholic clergy, and all appertaining thereto, were sunk in the 
deepest mire of iniquity. They were regarded on all sides with 
reprobation ; and in this consisted the reason, as I have already 
above observed, why the Reformation made such gigantic strides. 
The sons of Loyola were only too well aware of this, and, on 
that account, strove to place themselves in marked contrast with 
the monks and ordinary clergy. Their own good sense told them 
that it would be an impossibility for them to obtain the smallest 
influence among Christian humanity as long as they gave way to 
such vices as prevailed among the other tonsured classes ; and, 
on the other hand, they might, indeed, feel it to be certain that it 
would astonish the world, and be a marvellous example to the 
priests, if they succeeded in establishing for themselves a reputation 
for such purity of morals as could be boasted of by an Anthony, 
Pachonius, or Basilius. It must, therefore, at all times, be the 
great aim and endeavour of the Order to gain such a reputation. 



and, from the days of Ignatius onwards, all Generals issued the 
strictest orders in reference thereto. For this reason appeared 
the orders *' that in passing through the streets, the sons of 
Loyola should walk along casting on the ground downcast looks, 
and especially turning their eyes away from any daughter of Eve 
they might happen to meet." Further, should a woman knock at 
their door, they were enjoined " not to open it, but the door-keeper 
should send her away with as few words as possible." Should a 
woman desire the services of a Father Confessor, " she must be 
directed to go into a church, and there must he proceed. The 
Father must, on the other hand, hold his conversation with her 
through a grating, as well as with his face turned away from her ; 
moreover, another brother should always be standing at some 
little distance off, in order to observe what went on, but not so 
near as to overhear, so that nothing else than the confession 
should be allowed to take place. Should a case at any time 
occur, where a sinful daughter of Eve entered a college or 
profess-house, with the object of visiting any Father, in spite 'of 
all precautions to the contrary, then a lay-brother should imme- 
diately lead her out by the hand, while the door-keeper collected 
the dust upon which she had trodden and threw it out at the 
door, in order that none of the other members might be 
contaminated with its contact." Such were the strict directions 
given by the Generals for the guidance of members in relation to 
the conduct which ought to be pursued by them in reference to 
the weaker sex ; and, as blind obedience was their first rule, 
these directions were imperatively to be observed. It was 
delightful, indeed, to notice how chastely the Fathers conducted 
themselves with their eyes, ears, tongue, and hands, just as if 
they had not been born of woman ; and they behaved themselves, 
even to the most beautiful and youngest creatures, as if they had 
been blind and dumb. It seemed, indeed, as if they had sworn 
the deepest hatred to the whole class, and, when compelled to 
speak to a woman in public, they did so with such a disdainful 
air, as to make it appear that they looked upon the whole of the 
daughters of Eve as lost creatures in God's sight, and sure of 
eternal damnation. Was there any wonder, then, under such 
circumstances, that Christendom should become full of the fame 
of the Jesuits, and even that they should be reverenced by many 
as almost saints ? Gr^at care was also zealously taken by them 



to promulgate everywhere this repute, aud to cause the common 
people completely to be carried away by reading the tales de- 
scribing the strict innocence of the pious Fathers. Their virtue 
being thus so great, and the praises which they gave themselves 
so highly sung, they, of course, stood in most extraordinary 
favour with the Virgin Mary, who testified this by manifestations 
given by her to certain members among them There thus 
appeared to Father Beraldus in broad daylight, in St. Paul's 
Church in Rome, an angel from heaven, bringing, together with 
many salutations from the Mother of God, a girdle which 
possessed the property of immediately removing all impure 
thoughts from the minds of those who simply touched it. 
For this reason Beraldus was obliged, by order of the General, 
to cut up the wonderful ornament into small pieces, in order that 
these fragments might be distributed among the Jesuit Colleges 
as far as they could go ; and, wherever such fragment was to be 
found, no transgression, as regards morality, could ever occur, 
but perfect paradisiacal innocence reigned ! 

To another member of the Order, Father Julius, who in the 
year 1585 was Professor in the Collegium Romanum, there 
appeared every night a wonderfully beautiful maiden who played 
very delightfully on the lute, and solicited him to make love to 
her. The Father, in his distress, complained to the Rector, who 
advised him to get up and flog himself as soon as the maiden 
made her appearance, until she had vanished. The Father, of 
course, followed this advice at once, and the next night 
flogged himself so unmercifully that his blood ran in 
streams. Upon this the maiden ceased to play, and said to 
him in a sweet voice, ** Oh, pious Father, I come from the 
Virgin Mary, who has sent me to put you to the proof. As, 
however, you have gallantly fought and gallantly conquered, 
behold, therefore, take this garland of purity, which the Holy 
Mother of God sends to you to enable you to remain as constant 
as you have hitherto been, in order that you may receive the 
unwitherable crown of everlasting life at a future time, amid 
the choir of chaste and pure virgins." With these words, she 
vanished, and was no more seen. She, however, left behind' 
her the garland, which consisted of different kinds of wonder- 
fully beautiful flowers, possessing precisely the same pro- 
perties as the girdle of Father Beraldus. Out of reverence, 


however, for the Virgin Mary, and as the flowers were so very 
beautiful, it was not divided in pieces, but was placed among 
other holy relics, of which the Order of Jesus, later on, had to 
boast, and there it always remained in its ever-enduring pristine 
freshness. Very many similar stories now became current, in 
each of which the sons of Loyola were represented as truly 
supernatural beings, only to be compared to the Archangels 
Michael, Gabriel, and Raphael. Indeed, one of these little 
books of self-praise "^ aflBrms that the Order of Jesus had over- 
come all improper tendencies, and, on that account, whenever 
a member of the same lay on his death bed, Jesus Christ in 
person came to his bed-side in order to take the soul of the 
dying one into His keeping. Yet, the more the Jesuits londed 
themselves with praises, the more general became the opinion 
which, even in the first century of their existence, was held 
here and there, that all this was deceptive and merely out- 
ward — in fact, only a pretence of holiness. " Their downcast 
looks," it was said, " when they happened to pass the weaker 
sex, their contemptuous style of conversation when in the 
company of females, in fiine, their whole behaviour, as if they 
were never touched by the failings of mankind — all this was 
merely put on in order to deceive the world, while secretly and 
in private they were no better than their fellow-creatures ; and 
this, indeed, without the smallest qualms, of conscience, as 
they have their own peculiar principles of morality, and laugh 
in their sleeve, holding the idea that God has favours for those 
who castigate their flesh " Such opinions became prevalent 
very soon, not with the many, indeed, but only among a few ; 
those few, however, gave themselves the trouble to watch very 
particularly the mode of life among the Jesuits, and the con 
sequence of this was that many things came to light, through 
which their worst surmises became confirmed. 

Let us hear, for instance, what took place among them in 
1560 at Monte Pulciano, a small town in Tuscany. They had 
there founded a college derived from charitable contributions, 
which they readily obtained; and hardly had the building, together 
with its adjoining church, been erected, than all flocked to their 
confessionals. The Fathers especially knew how to get the 

* This document bears the title : — Imago primo Seculi Societatis Jesu, 
i.e. a picture of the Society of Jesus in the first century of its existence. 




female inhabitants of Monte Pulciano into their power, and 
maidens, as well as married women, confessed to them with the 
most amiable candour. In this manner, several tender relation- 
ships sprung up between the Father Confessors and their fair 
confessauts ; but both parties so contrived to conceal this that, 
although it was here and there whispered that something was 
going wrong, still, for a long time everything remained con- 
cealed, until at last the jealousy of one old maid let out the 
secret. The Kector of the College, called John Gombard, re- 
ceived visits at the same time from two sisters, an elder and a 
younger one, and first lavished his attentions pretty equally 
between them. • Latterly, however, he more especially favoured 
the younger of them ; thereupon the elder became so enraged 
that she revealed the whole proceedings to their brother. 
He at once forbade his two sisters to have any dealings 
with the Rector, either in the confessional or out of it, and 
at the same time made a complaint to the Bishop ; the latter, 
moreover, unexpectedly caused a domiciliary search to be made 
in the College, when a quantity of gallant love-letters were dis- 
covered which had been exchanged between the Jesuits and 
their female confessants. It was at the same time noised abroad 
that one of the pious Fathers had been more than usually in- 
discreet, while the misdeeds of some others amongst their number 
became the theme of general conversation. 

This, of course, had the effect of setting all Monte Pulciano 
in such an uproar that the Jesuit College was very nearly taken 
by storm. The people, however, thought better of it, and left 
the punishment of the guilty to the Episcopal See, which at 
once instituted a searching inquiry. Rector Gombard, however, 
did not wait for this, but took flight under cover of night, and 
the General Laynez at once expelled him from the Order. 
Nothing, however, was done to the rest of the Fathers, unless 
their transfer to other colleges be looked upon as a punish- 
ment, that of Monte Pulciano being closed, because the inhabi- 
tants withdrew all their support and ceased to have any relations 
with the occupants thereof. 

This was, indeed, an ugly circumstance, but still worse and 
more vile stories followed, and obtained currency, like wildfire, 
over the whole civilised world, so that the Society had much 
difficulty in defending itself against the evil reports which over- 


whelmed it. Thus, the tale of Father Majotius and his fair con- 
fessant, the female miller of Azenay, near Bourges, was in 
everybody's mouth, and, indeed, a particular brochure about this 
scandal made its appearance in the year 1576. Still greater 
indignation was aroused when the Jesuits endeavoured to repre- 
sent that the relation of their brother with the miller maid was 
only that of a father towards his child. Satirical squibs now 
appeared on the subject, the most cutting of which was that 
published in the year 1610, under the title of "Address of thanks 
from the butter- dealers of Paris to Monsieur Courbouson, the 
panegyrist of the Society of Jesus." It then became public 
that the Father Peter Galess, Rector of the College of Bordeaux, 
kept a private journal, wherein he preserved a list of his fair 
confessants, and noted at the same time the happy hours he 
had passed in their company. In a similar way it came to light 
that Father Fronton Gadauta, Rector of the College at Fontan, 
and his successor in office, Peter, passed every day in the week 
in the company of ladies, selected out of the most distinguished 
in the town, being in the habit of shutting themselves up 
with them for four or five hours together during the day. 

The following cases may be also noticed: — A woman of 
Poitiers, living a life of luxury, represented herself, during fully 
ten years, as sick, and sent alternately every day for Fathers 
Bonnet and Danceron, while she smilingly declared that those 
two pious Fathers were the best solacers she had ever met 
with for her ailment. 

Father Galozin, Professor of the College of Metz, suc- 
ceeded at length, partly by persuasion and partly by force, in 
triumphing over the scruples of the daughter of the royal 
Governor, but as he was not sufficiently careful, the pair of 
lovers were surprised on one occasion, the consequence being 
that the Governor, in his fury, caused the ears of the seducer to 
be cut off. 

Father Gilbert Russow, who had been sent as secret agent of 
the Order to the town of Narack, conceived such an attachment 
for a washerwoman that, taking him for nothing more than a 
Catholic priest, she found herself compelled, with the view of 
saving her reputation, to demand that he should marry her. 
The Father, of course, was unable to gratify her in this respect, 
and the affair at once came before the law courts; but the 






cunning Jesuit — ^money and persuasive words effect much- 
brought to the front a woodcutter, who took upon himself the 
responsibility which should have devolved upon the pious Father. 
The scandal to which he had given rise did not injure the good 
Father in the eyes of his superiors, and the General in Rome 
rather approved of his sagacity, and afterwards advanced him to 
the post of Provincial of the Upper Rhine provinces. 

Father Johann Delvoss, who had for twentv years excited 
religious fervour in the town of Luneville by his pathetic 
preaching, allowed himself to be surprised with a notoriously 
profligate person, in a bath at the mineral spring of Sundgau, 
to which he had betaken himself for an ailment of the breast, 
and on that account had to implore pardon on his knees from 
the Provincial Boer. 

Father Oliva, Professor at the College of Valencia, repre- 
sented a peasant girl, whose full bosom had inspired in him a 
violent passion, to be his nearest relative, and hired a room for 
her in the neighbourhood of the college ; he visited her there, 
giving out that he had family business with her connected with 
an inheritance, and not infrequently passed many hours with 
her, in order, as he expressed it, to exercise discipline over her, 
as she was not sufficiently advanced in piety ! 

Stephan Petiot, the Provincial of Guienne, obtained for him- 
self the reputation of being one of the most holy of men, and 
when he preached in the principal church belonging to the 
Order, the space was found to be far too small to contain all the 
worshippers who thronged to listen to him. This, however, did 
not prevent him from becoming violently enamoured of a nut- 
brown maid, and persuading her to assume the disguise of a 
peasant boy in order to enable her to gain access into the 
college. In this disguise the girl now paid the Father frequent 
visits, and as often as she came he shut himself up with her for 
hours together; this, latterly, however, did not satisfy him, but 
he got her placed as his servant, and had her to wait upon him 
day and night This went on during several months, and pro- 
bably the matter might have continued for some time longer 
undiscovered, had not the woman possessed a tongue. But, 
being induced by sickness to speak, the girl revealed the 
whole affair to her former Father Confessor, Nathaniel Sichard, 
and he, of course, took care that an end should be put to the 

1 ii 

matter before it should come to the knowledge of the world. 
Nothing, however, happened to Stephan Petiot, except that he 
was warned to be more circumspect for the future, as, had such 
a scandal become public, the whole Society of Jesus might have 
sustained the deepest injury. 

We learn that Father Coprevitius, Professor at the College of 
Grätz, occasioned an unmarried young lady belonging to the 
Court of the Archduke Charles to get into disgrace, and that 
concerning this a terrible disturbance took place among the 
cavaliers and ladies of this pious Hapsburger. Bq,t the fellow 
brethren of Coprevitius neither lost their senses nor presence of 
mind, for the Rector of the university merely sent the erring 
sheep with a commission to an old friend of the Order, the 
occupant of the Lubian Bishopric in Spain, of the name of 
Thomas Cremius, who retained the fallen brother on the occa- 
sion entirely for himself. The lady, however, was under the 
necessity of making a four years' journey, travelling about the 
different baths, after which she returned again to the Court, as 
fresh and brisk as ever, just as if nothing whatever had taken 
place. And as for the erring professor's offspring, one of the 
Fathers took charge of it immediately after its birth, and nothing 
was heard afterwards as to what had become of it. 

I could still continue to give hundreds of such instances 
on the part of the Jesuits, or rather thousands;* it must, 
however, be observed, that only a very few of such crimes 
among members of the Order ever became known, as the first 
care among the Jesuits was to conceal all that occurred, which 
was done with such skill that it should not reach the ears of 
the people. A sin perpetrated was a purely accidental affair. 
The principal thing was the publication of the scandal, the blame 
cast thereby on the Order, which, by the notoriety of every such 
crime, must have the mantle of holiness in which it enveloped 
itself damaged considerably. On this account care was taken 
not to awaken public attention by the punishment of such fail- 
ings. They contented themselves with the private censure of 
the party, or his removal to another sphere of action, in order to 

* I recommend to anyone wishing to inform himself on this subject the 
hook entitled, Histoire du P. La Chaise, Jesuitical Confesseut du Roi Louis XlV.f 
contenant les particularitis les plus secretu de sa vie, »es amours avec plutieun 
dames de la premiere qualite, et les agriables aventurgs qui lui sont arriv^es dans 
le CQW8 de us galanUries,'* 2 vols. 

19 * 



put a stop to any talk about the matter. Should, perchance, 
the affair come under judicial cognizance, they never rested 
until the accused member was cleared, as the world must on no 
account be allowed to feast its eyes on the humiliation of a 
brother of the Order ! The best proof that the Jesuits were in 
the habit of acting in this way, may be gathered from the 
following couple of stories, the first of which occurred at Sala- 
manca at the beginning of the l7th century : — 

Father Mena was held there in great estimation, as well owing 
to his mode of life, which resembled that of the holy martyrs, as 
by the surpassing gift of eloquence with which he was endowed. 
In appearance he was pale and haggard, with eyes deeply sunk 
in his head. His gait indicated the deepest humility, and his 
simple aspect displayed a modesty which was the admiration of 
all. But when he stood in the pulpit and thundered against the 
depravity of the world sunk in iniquity, such fire proceeded out 
of his mouth that all his listeners shook with emotion, and a 
visible quaking of despair seized upon the hearts of even the 
most obdurate. Under such remarkable circumstances, it was 
not to be wondered at that many of the inhabitants of Salamanca 
chose Father Mena to be their Father Confessor, and more 
especially the female sex thronged to him from the highest 
classes to the lowest. Now, among the fair confessants there also 
happened to be a very beautiful maiden of striking appearance, 
whose understanding, however, did not at all correspond with 
her bodily attractions, and, as she was generally regarded as a 
kind of simpleton. Father Mena, whose heart was inspired with a 
glowing desire of obtaining possession of this charming being, 
hoped to be able to turn this circumstance to his advan- 
tage. After, then, he had properly prepared the maid, who 
came to him every week for confession, he at length proceeded 
further with his project, and explained to her that God had 
ordered him in a revelation, with a view to the completion of 
his sanctity, to take upon himself the sacrament of marriage 
with her. Whatever good reasons the Father might have given, 
however, in support of his proposal, and notwithstanding the 
credence the lady gave to almost every word he uttered, she 
was so terrified by such a proposition that she was at once 
seized with a desire to make her way out of th& confessional. 
He, however, succeeded by honeyed words in preventing her 


from doing so, and represented to her that her reputation 
would in no way suffer any injury from this projected marriage 
ordered by God, as he, under another name, possessed a small 
settlement, in which they might meet undisturbed, and that not 
less care would be taken to preserve secrecy in the event of her 
confinement. If she still cherished 'any doubts in her mind, 
proceeded he, with calculated slyness, regarding the necessity of 
complying with this command of God, she always had it in her 
power to consult one or other of the learned divines belonging 
to the university ; but, on the other hand, it would be necessary 
for her to preserve the most profound silence towards the laity 
and secular community, as she would otherwise draw down the 
anger of heaven upon her. With these representations the 
first fears of the chaste maiden were, up to this point, overcome, 
and after the Confessor had mentioned to her a couple of 
Fathers of his acquaintance with whom she might take counsel, 
she left the church, partially convinced that she was destined by 
God to be rendered holy in the world by a secret marriage with 
Father Mena. 

What now, then, took place? As soon as the beauty 
had left, the Father hastened to the two theologians with 
whom she might take advice, and represented to them that he 
had a very conscientious confessant to deal with, who would 
only follow his instructions after other learned men should 
express themselves as favourable to the necessity of her doing 
so. He then asked his colleagues whether they had any reason 
to distrust him, or whether he had not given proof of his ability 
for instruction in matters of conscience, derived from the practice 
of many years. Seeing this to be the case, and as he had proved 
it to be so by the mode of life which he had hitherto followed, 
he hinted that his colleagues need not, therefore, go into any 
details, but merely counsel the maiden to follow implicitly 
everything recommended by Father Mena. This the two 
theologians most willingly agreed to do, as they knew their 
companion to be a very straightforward man, besides being 
regarded as the best preacher of morahty in Salamanca. 
When, then, she came to them for advice, and from a sense of 
shame did not know what words to make use of in expressing 
herself, they declared to her that whatever was proposed by 
Father Mena was certain to be right and good, and on that 



account she ought without hesitation to follow implicitly 
any advice given by him. There was thus no longer 
any doubt remaining in the mind of the poor deluded fool, 
BO on the next occasion when she came to him for con- 
fession he learned, to his inmost joy and satisfaction, that she 
was now fully prepared to follow the will of God. He then 
uttered a benediction on himself together with her, by the most 
truly blasphemous ceremonies, and they both at once withdrew 
to the above-mentioned retreat, where they lived together for a 
very lengthened period. 

During all this time Father Mena continued to attend to his 
spiritual duties, and busied himself especially in preaching with 
such zeal and fervour that his great reputation went on increasing 
year by year. At last, by some unlucky accident, the profound 
secret of this disgraceful relationship came to light, and then 
the Holy Inquisition got hold of the errant couple, who were 
at once conveyed to the prisons of the Inquisition in Valladolid. 
The woman now, on the very first examination, made a full con- 
fession, and as thus the base conduct of Father Mena was brought 
to light, in all its enormity, everyone believed that the Society 
of Jesus would at once expel the mangy sheep out of the Order 
as a reprobate, for the ^protection of its purity. Such, how- 
ever, was not at all the case, but, on the contrary, the Society 
©spoused the cause of their member with such zeal as to pro- 
duce the greatest astonishment regarding the matter. The 
Jesuits, however, well knew the reason why. and the result 
showed that they had rightly calculated. As this scandalous 
story now caused such a commotion all over Spain, and, 
indeed, elsewhere, the idea might take hold of men's minds that 
all the members of the Order were more or less profligate, 
and saints merely in appearance, and, therefore, cost what it 
might, Father Mena must be cleared from all imputations. A 
physician, therefore, was bribed by a large sum of money to 
declare that the simple woman was a complete fool, and this 
worthy doctor administered to the poor creature a sleeping 
draught of such potency that she never awoke again. At the 
same time the Provincial obtained from another physician a 
certificate that Father Mena was so dangerously ill that a further 
detention in the prisons of the Inquisition must bring about 
bis certain death. Provided with this certificate, the Society, 


which was at that time almost all-powerful at the Court of 
Spain, proposed that Mena should be brought into the Jesuit 
College in order that he should be better attended to, but, of 
course, only until such time as his health should be re-esta- 
blished. In this respect, however, the Inquisition took such 
precautions that several of its officials were appointed to 
accompany him, who were instructed never to lose sight of the 
patient. To all appearance Mena now became daily weaker, so 
much so, indeed, that the officials fully expected his decease. 
They were consequently not at all surprised one day, when 
engaged at their dinner — and the Jesuits took care to feed them 
right well — to find that all the bells of the college commenced 
to ring, thereby announcing the death of the poor patient, and, 
as may be well imagined, they did not hasten to make any 
inspection of the corpse, except for form's sake, some hours 
later, in order to enable them to make a report to their chief; 
and as they then found the Father lying in his coffin in Jesuit 
attire, they took their departure from the college to convey the 
news of his death to their General. The Father, however, was 
by no means dead ; quite the reverse, indeed, for as soon as the 
officials had left he got out of his coffin, and after the death 
colour with which he had been painted was washed off*, they put 
him, well disguised, on a quick-going mule, which soon conveyed 
him out of the country to Genoa. In the coffin they laid a 
wax figure, made to resemble him as much as possible, which 
was also dressed in Jesuit costume, and the burial then took 
place with much pomp. In this manner the Society contrived 
to put a speedy termination to the trial that had been instituted ; 
and, of course, it was everywhere given out that the whole com- 
plaint had arisen merely from the diseased imagination of a 
demented person, as there never had existed a more holy man 
than the much-maligned Father Mena. 

The second afiair which I wish to relate occurred in the town 
of Granada, also in Spain, in which the Jesuits possessed a very 
beautiful college, with large properties and endowments attached 
thereto. Among the latter there happened to be a pretty landed 
estate in the village of Caparazena, the management of which 
was entrusted to Father Balthasar des Rois. This latter, how- 
ever, fell in love, it seems, with the wife of a peasant of 
the place, a very robust woman of well-developed figure and 




warm temperament. It was not very difficult, therefore, for the 
Father to overcome her scruples, and, in order to carry his 
wishes into eflfect undisturbed, he appointed the peasant to be 
steward, with a considerable salary. Thereupon the peasant 
was, of course, greatly delighted, and several months elapsed 
before he discovered the reason why the Father had favoured 
him so highly. The other people in the village had better eyes, 
however, and at length made the peasant aware of the state of 
the case. He, therefore, at once spoke about it to the Father, 
who denied all this as a pure calumny, and the woman, who 
was much flattered with the attentions of th'e holy man, 
confirmed all that he said. The peasant was pacified, but 
only for the moment, as the thorn of jealousy had sunk 
deeply into his heart, and he was therefore resolved to make 
certain of the matter. One day, therefore, when the Father 
was expected from Granada, he went out very early into the 
fields, telling his wife at the same time to give him something 
cold to take with him to eat, as his occupation would not admit 
of his return home until late in the evening. The woman 
joyfully did what he told her, and then placed herself at the 
window in order to look out for the beloved Father, whom she 
expected to make his appearance within a few hours. The 
peasant, on the other hand, sauntered about, not, however, to go 
to the fields, as he had said, but to return home again after a 
short time by a bye-path, when he slipped quietly into the house 
by a back-door, and equally quietly he went inside and hid 
himself, waiting to see what happened. Shortly afterwards the 
holy man arrived, whereupon the infuriated husband sprang out 
and stabbed the pair with a knife with which he had previously 
provided himself for the purpose. The Father was killed on 
the spot, and the woman also died shortly afterwards; she 
lived, however, long enough to make a full confession to a 
neighbour who had been quickly called in. The situation in 
which she was found with the Father completely justified the 
peasant, according to Spanish law, in vindicating his sullied 
honour with the dagger. He thought so, at least, and so did 
the secular court before which the afiair was first brought, and 
which, after hearing the evidence of the neighbour, found the 
peasant not guilty. The Jesuit College in Granada, however, 
was anything but satisfied with this judgment, being unable to 


endure the ignominy attaching to them, in that one of its 
members had thus rightfully met with his death by the dagger; 
and the Rector urgently petitioned at once, therefore, for a 
new inquiry, on the ground that the first had been conducted 
with partiality. He also personally betook himself to the 
spot, accompanied by a notary from Granada, and even, after all 
that had already taken place, endeavoured, by means of presents, 
promises, and threats, to bring over to their side the people 
who had in the first instance given evidence against the deceased 
Father. They, in this way, succeeded with not a few, the final 
result being that those persons at once contradicted all the 
evidence they had previously given. Those, however, who were 
opposed to them, in the face of this strong contradiction, 
admitted that they, at least, could no longer recollect with 
certainty, and, consequently the offence was made out to be at 
least doubtful. In addition to this, the Rector, by his generosity, 
obtained new witnesses, who at onf5e swore that Father Balthasar 
was a most holy man, whom no one ever saw engaged in any 
other way than praying, with his rosary in his hands, and that, 
therefore, the story of his proceedings with the deceased must 
be rejected as perfect nonsense, as she had long passed her 
first youth — she was not quite twenty-eight — and consequently 
must be looked upon as an old woman. These and similar 
declarations were collected by the Rector with much zeal, and 
the notary carefully committed them to paper, and thus the 
matter advanced so far that this evidence was laid before a new 
court of investigation, and the severe punishment of the murderer 
demanded. It still, however, remained a matter of doubt 
whether the bribed witnesses would have stood their ground, as 
the sorely-pressed peasant requested that he might be confronted 
with them face to face ; in consequence of this, it was suggested 
to the poor man, by some one professing friendship, that the 
best thing he could do would be for him quickly to make him- 
self scarce, as he would doubtless be hanged as a convicted 
murderer. The man, from fear, followed this advice, and as his 
disappearance was silently facilitated, he made his escape quite 
undetected, while, as he had thus gone away under suspicious cir- 
cumstances, the Jesuits triumphantly exclaimed that the guilt of 
the man was as clear as daylight, as consciousness of this had 
induced him to take to flight. This cry they repeated so often 




that they at length succeeded in hringing over even the judges 
to their views ; in short, they carried the matter so far that, 
supported by their false witnesses, the poor peasant, betrayed by 
such villainy, was presumed to be proved guilty, and condemned 
" in contumaciam," to the halter. Then upon, on this sentence 
being given, the sons of Loyola, by way of putting a crown upon 
this tragic comedy, caused the whole of the law proceedings to be 
printed, along with the judgment thereon, and distributed them 
through the whole town exactly as if they had gained a great . 
victory. Indeed, this Balthasar des Rois was, indeed, little short 
of being canonised as a martyr of purity; at all events, the 
Jesuits believed that they had proved this much, at least, that 
among their Society there was not one who could be afflicted 
with weaknesses as other children of men. 

A third story of a similar kind relates to an escapade which 
took place in the town of Poitiers on the part of Father Mania, 
one of the most distinguished Jesuit preachers of St. Didier, 
and a widow of position ; but I shall refrain from entering into 
particulars, as the scenes enacted were, if possible, of an even 
more scandalous description than those already related. 

Of a fourth story of this kind I must at least say a few words, 
as it will afford not a little amusement to the reader. In the 
middle of the 1 6th century there lived, in the city of Bordeaux, 
a seamstress, who essayed to increase her resources, to a certain 
extent, by her charms, and, on account of this kind of life, had 
become notorious throughout the whole city. On one occasion 
this seamstress, after carrying on this double trade from her 
sixteenth to her thirty -second year, became seriously ill, and, in 
her terrible fear ot death, caused Father Gaska to be called to 
her, in order that she might receive absolution from him for her 
long-continued sins of many years* standing. The same, how- 
ever, a Jesuit highly esteemed above all for his piety and 
advanced age, made the Divine wrath so hot for the woman 
that she promised that, as soon as she became again con- 
valescent, she would enter into a certain reformatory which 
had been founded ia Bordeaux for the reclamation of sinners, 
and never again, for the remainder of her life, have any- 
thing to do with such matters. The woman in due course 
recovered, and, as the good Father.Gaska was entrusted with the 
special supervision of the asylum, his wishes could, of course, 

not be objected to by anyone. Nor was there any occasion for 
regret at her admission, as the seamstress at first conducted her- 
self in a most exemplary manner, and fulfilled well her duties 
in every respect; as, however, her health became more and 
more re-established, and her bodily charms by degrees returned 
to their former condition, she began to experience again at night 
powerful temptations, of which she, naturally enough, made 
mention to the Father, her Confessor. He, however, repre- 
sented to her that all such came from Satan, and gradually 
brought her to the conviction that the Devil had cast his eye 
particularly upon her. It came to pass now, that at the end 
of fourteen months this individual began to show signs by no 
means agreeable to herself or those around her. A fearful com- 
motion now took place in the establishment, as it could be 
proved that no male person ever entered the building, with the 
exception of Father Gaska alone, and he, owing to his great 
sanctity, was, as a matter of course, beyond all suspicion. 
Further, it could be also proved that the woman had never 
crossed the threshold of the institution, which precluded the 
possibility of the only remaining means of accounting for her 
condition. She moreover declared, with the greatest confi- 
dence, that the Devil himself could alone have brought about 
this infernal mischief, and that she was prepared to take the 
sacrament on it that this was so. Confusion now became worse 
confounded. Physicians, who were now called in, declared that 
the woman must be out of herj mind, as improper proceedings 
with an immortal being were not to be thought of; this view of 
the case, however, savoured so much of heretical reasoning that 
Father Gaska, in conjunction with several of his other colleagues, 
rejected it with indignation. The physicians now became silent, 
and contented themselves with merely shrugging their shoulders, 
in order that they might not be accused of heresy. The Jesuits, 
on the other hand, convoked a commission of learned theo- 
logians to consult upon the matter. Fathers Aritonio Palomo 
and Martin de la Conchille, who were charged with drawing up 
the report, showed themselves to be conspicuously active on the 
occasion, and the pious Fathers cited so many instances from 
the Fathers of the Church, and especially from Augustine, that 
no clearer proof could be adduced. In fact, it was finally con- 
cluded that the Devil himself, and no one else, could have had 



any dealings with the seamstress. It may be well imagined 
what a prodigious sensation this case caused throughout 
Bordeaux ; so everyone was, of course, curious to learn how 
this offspring of the Devil would look when it came into the 
world. Now, the poor person gave «birth presently to a little 
boy, having neither cloven hoofs nor the other characteristics 
of the Devil, but just resembling any of the other children of 
men. Nevertheless, the whole town rushed to take a look at the 
son of the Devil Indeed, the house of the penitent barely 
escaped being tak^n by storm, so much so that Father Gaska 
and his associates were obliged to remove the mother and child 
out of the town — the mother, in order to convey her to a far 
distant place of retreat; the little boy, however, in order that he 
might be brought up by a hermit in the Pyrenees, who would 
soon drive the Devil's nature out of him. Moreover, the public 
had to be pacified, and it became so, although for a con- 
siderable time afterwards people spoke about the Devil's son, 
partly with horror, and partly with scorn and disdain, according 
as people were more or less enlightened. The mysterious veil 
in which this affair was shrouded was at last, however, very 
nearly lifted, and an eternal disgrace cast upon the pious Father 
Gaska. About ten years afterwards, the female guardian of the 
seamstress acknowledged to the doctor who attended her as she 
lay on her death-bed, that during several months she had been, by 
order of Father Gaska, obliged every Saturday night to bring a 
tumbler of wine to the seamstress, after she had mixed in it a 
white powder given her by the Father, which had the effect of 
regularly throwing the seamstress into a very deep sleep, and 
that then the Father introduced himself, remaining with the 
sleeper usually for one or two hours. At the same time, too, 
that she made this acknowledgment, she handed over to the 
physician a small quantity of the powder which she had pre- 
served, and which on examination proved to be a strong opiate. 
The proceedings of Father Gaska now came to light in all their 
villainy, and the physician hastened at once to an advocate of 
his acquaintance, in order to consult with him as to what course 
he should pursue in this most extraordinary case, and as to 
whether he should not lay the proofs before a court of justice. 
The advocate, however, advised him to leave the matter alone, 
as, in the first place. Father Gaska had died in the meantime. 


and could not now be awarded punishment ; and, secondly, the 
Jesuits woul I be sure to know how to induce the seamstress to 
make a disavowal of the circumstance, so that the physician 
would be looked upon as a liar ; and, thirdly and lastly, it was well 
known that all who dared to attack the Order of Jesus came 
very badly out of the business, and therefore it would be wiser 
to avoid this danger and not run any risk in the matter. Against 
such arguments the physician had nothing to advance, and on 
that account he left legal proceedings alone. This, nevertheless, 
did not prevent him from inditing in a special treatise, which 
was found among his papers at his death, a description of the 
shameful deeds of the Jesuits. 

From what has gone before, one sees sufficiently how uncom- 
monly active the sons of Loyola were in allowing nothing to 
come out respecting their Order, on which account they awarded 
no punishment for many of the sins to which flesh is heir. 

I will not continue to dilate upon this subject, but prefer 
quoting the words of a writer of the l7th century, who had 
been for several years among the Jesuits, and who was well 
acquainted with all their proceedings. The author alluded to 
relates as follows : — * 

*' As the people belonging to the Order of Jesus conceived 
themselves to be especially ordained to take the nuns under their 
protection, they frequently remained six whole hours before the 
grating (the nuns, as is well known, could only talk with those 
of the opposite sex through the grating of the reception room) 
and conversed with those whom they selected. I could, however, 
take my oath that not a word of any importance passed between 
them as regards conversion to sanctity, but that, on the con- 
trary, their conversation consisted for the most part in loose 
expressions and other amatory words. 

" In short, a lay person would throw up his hands in amaze- 
ment on hearing the style of conversation which the Jesuits 
were wont to carry on with the nuns, and, moreover, they never 
addressed them otherwise than in such terms as *my sweet- 
heart,* * my treasure,* * my well-beloved,' and similar expres- 

• This is the well-known Peter Jarrigius, otherwise called Peter Jarrige, 
whose work on the Order of Jesus came out for the first time in the year 



"But you must pardon me, dear reader, if I refrain from very 
shame from portraying the subject in al] its vivid colours ; on 
the other hand, you may take my word for it, that I might 
easily bring forward many shocking things respecting the 
shameful deeds of the Jesuits, truly surpassing, in this respect, 
everything that has ever taken place in the world " 

So writes my authority, and I might here conveniently bring 
this chapter to a close, were it not that I must make some 
allusion to the ill-famed institution of the "Female Jesuits" 
of which in our day almost nothing is known. The year in 
which this institution came into existence cannot accurately 
be determined by anyone, as the sons of Loyola, who were 
alone in a position to give correct information on the sub- 
ject. preserve complete silence respecting it, no doubt on 
very good grounds. The fact of the matter is, however, 
that "Female Jesuits" not only existed in the year 1600* 
throughout the whole of Italy, but were also widely disseminated 
on this side of the Alps, in Northern Germany, and in the 
south of France. It is, further, a fact that they enjoyed the 
same privileges as the Jesuits themselves, that is to say they 
resembled the latter to a hair-breadth, both in name and attire 
that they possessed colleges, novitiates, and profess-houses just 
as the sons of Loyola did, and held the same description of 
government, with a female General at their head. It is also a 
fact that they stood in closest relationship with the male Jesuits 
having their abodes situated near to them in all towns. 

No such thing of the kind had hitherto occurred in Christen- 
dom. There were monks and nuns of all descriptions, and the 
most different names ; there were also those who had assumed 
the same title, as, for instance, Dominicans and female Domi- 
nicans, Franciscans and female Franciscans, &c &c. &c But 
female beings like the female Jesuits, who had taken on them- 
selves the three vows of Poverty, Chastity, and Obedience, led by 
no means a life of contemplation, in devoting themselves to the 
service of God, and denying the world ; quite the contrary, 
they wandered about here and there withouL any fixed place of 
residence, desirous of living like women of the world ; so when- 
ever they made their appearance, they assumed the' rights of 
priests accustomed to baptise, confirm, and render consolation 
just as the ordinary priesthood; they endeavoured especially tci 


figure as spiritual advisers to men of certain age and condition, 
and under the name or seal of Female Confessor, to be to them as 
already many a confessing child had been to its Father Con- 
fessor; and, lastly, without hesitation and without the least 
regard to shame, they went about publicly declaring themselves 
to be the second half of their namesake brethren, the Jesuits, 
and boldly alleging that it was only in the first instance, 
through their intimate connection with them, that the Order of 
Jesus had been made perfect. No I Indeed, such kind of 
things went beyond all conception. Moreover, the female Jesuits 
did all this without being authorised so to act by the Papal 
See ; they were guided by merely their own sovereign will, and 
did not even consider it requisite to publish their statutes or to 
announce their existence to the Roman Curie. On that account 
Pope Urban VIII. was induced to proceed against them with 
all the available means of his apostolic power, and he issued 
a fulminating Bull, in which he decreed their institution to 
be not only abolished for ever, but also cursed as a vicious 
creation. This Bull, dated 21st May 1631, which was posted up 
in all the churches of Rome, is well known throughout the 
whole of Christendom, and of course still exists as a proof of 
all that I have stated respecting the Female Jesuits ; it contains 
the perfect truth, though too mildly expressed, and I cannot 
therefore refrain from reproducing verbatim certain passages. It 
thus proceeds immediately after the introductory sentences : — 

" We have heard, not without the greatest mental consterna- 
tion, that, in Italy and beyond the mountains, certain women and 
maidens, after having assumed the name of Female Jesuits, have 
for several years assembled themselves together, without any 
approval or consent of the Pope ; that, under the pretext of lead- 
ing a holy life, they possess certain houses of the description 
and form of colleges, as well as profess-houses, over which a 
mistress, under the title of Female General, is placed; that, with 
the same object, they have taken upon themselves the vows of 
Obedience, Chastity, and Poverty, and followed all other usages 
and customs of the Jesuits ; that they have, however, as well 
adopted many things very unsuitable for the female sex, and 
directly contrary to the decorum and modesty appertaining to 
the same. . . . Considering, therefore, that such creatures give 
occasion for much indignation, we have determined to eradicate 



these unwholesome weeds, as we are of a mind not to tolerate 
such wickedness. On this account, therefore, after consultation 
with our holy Cardinals and Inquisitors, we now command that 
this alleged female society be entirely abolished, annulled, and 
done away with, and ordain that they, the Society of Female 
Jesuits, be inefifectual from the beginning, and null and void, 
being herewith at once swept away, buried in oblivion, and 
completely eradicated from the Church of God." 

Thus speaks Pope Urban VIII. What further evidence do 
we require ? 










In the first chapter of this hook T have treated of the ordinary 
sins of the flesh among the Jesuits ; those most excusable, as 
arising from the weakness of human nature. In the third 
chapter I come to speak of the refined sins of the Jesuits ; those, 
namely, founded on religious deceit, beginning with heaven and 
ending with hell. 

Self-inflicted punishment had already, from great antiquity 
and among the most varied systems of belief, been looked upon 
as a religious duty, and even had become prevalent among Chris- 
tians, who thought to gain heaven thereby, crawling into caves 
of the earth, or passing their lives attached to pillars and loaded 
with chains. Later on there arose in the west of Christendom 
voluntary flogging conjoined with fasting, praying, pilgrimages, 
and everything of a like nature, and the more a man lacerated 
the body by means of rods or straps, the purer were the tears of 
joy shed above by the angels and archangels; so was it taught by 
the priests. Even Ignatius Loyola, as we have already seen in the 
First Book, lent himself to such a belief, and, at the commence- * 
ment of his religious career as well as later, brought himself into 
such a state by fasting, flogging, and several similar asceticisms, 
that he was often nearly at the point of death. With the 
view, however, of habituating his Order to this Christian work 
of self-inflicted punishment, he wrote, as I have previously 

mentioned, his celebrated book on Spiritual Exercises, and 
ordained that these should form the basis of education among all 
his disciples. " In order to enable anyone to become a true 
warrior of Christ," taught Ignatius, "one must rigorously 
punish the members of the body, as in this lies the secret of 
taking up the cross ; for, as Jesus Christ, from his immeasurable 
love for mankind, allowed himself to be crucified, so must the 
soldiers of his army equally make themselves lambs for sacrifice." 
Moreover, continues Ignatius in another place, ** we Christian 
warriors hold these punishments to be necessary, seeing that 
everyone who wishes to gain a step in heaven can only kill vice 
and control animal instincts by the dagger of suflTering, with 
which alone can one tame the earthly man, and compel him to 
wander completely in the path of grace and virtue." 

What was taught, then, in the Spiritual Exercises ? Of 
course, together with many other mysticisms and extravagances, 
there was a complete state of ecstasy, in which flogging played 
the principal part. There was also conjoined with it, a great 
amount of verv frequent daily prayers and spiritual con- 
versations, as also various fastings, genuflexions, and other 
similar things. Under the circumstances mentioned, it may 
readily be supposed that the Jesuits never neglected to carry 
out the spiritual exercises thoroughly, frequently, as regards 
their confessants, insisting on the application of the scourge 
as the most efficacious punishment for the sinning body. On 
the other hand, in consideration of the weakness of human 
nature, thev obliged none to flog their own persons, but, on 
the contrarv, undertook the task themselves most willingly, exer- 
cising it verv softly with fine rods and straps only, or even with 
the bare hands- never with proper scourges, or those on which 
thorns were fastened. Such scourging and flogging with rods, 
then, was termed " discipline," that is to say, the flogger was the 
" discipliner," and the flogged, " the disciplined." There was 
also a twofold kind of discipline, namely, disciplina sursum, or 
secundmn supra, and disciplina deorsum, or secundum sub, 
which mean nothing else than this, that in the former case the 
blows were applied above, upon the breasts, shoulders, and neck, 
in the latter upon the loins, hips, and thighs. This last 
mentioned was also called the " Spanish discipline," as it was 
very much used in Spain, and came into use through the Spanish 






Jesuits ; but it ought more properly to have been called "female 
discipline," as, for the most part, women alone were thus 
disciplined. The Jesuits maintained that the weakly frame of 
women and maidens was too severely tried by the upper descrip- 
tion of discipline, while the inferior parts of the body were 
much more capable of sustaining such-like punishment ; they ad- 
ministered, therefore, the disciplina deorsum to their confessants 
with the greatest vigour, even when the latter remonstrated 
against the proceeding. Other children of men were, however, of 
opinion that the sons of Loyola were actuated by very dijSerent 
motives; be that as it may, the reader may be assured of the 
correctness of what I state when I assert that those parts of 
the body which were subjected to discipline were completely 
uncovered. But the reader will doubtless be curious to know if 
the daughters of Eve submitted tamely to such discipline 
as that I have described ? I rejoin that they did so. More- 
over, it was not by any means merely a few women and maidens, 
who might be regarded as an exception to the rule ; but they 
came in shoals to throw themselves into the arms of Jesuit 
discipline, the main attraction being that fanatical religious 
practice which found expression in the Spiritual Exercises. 
The Jesuits instituted such arrangements as enabled them to 
satisfy the general throng by means of the so-called affiliations 
and congregations - also termed sodalities, and retreats; that is, 
in plain language, brother and sisterhoods, the members of 
which came together, if not daily, at least weeklv, partly in 
public processions, in which they proceeded through the streets 
dressed in the most wretched attire, often half-naked and 
barefoot, allowing themselves to be flogged until they bled, 
partly praying in the churches and large saloons, singing, 
confessing, and communicating, as well as carrying on other 
penitential practices. This, however, was indeed a spectacle 
that must have produced a most extraordinary impression upon 
people religiously disposed, and the sons of Loyola were so 
cunning as to make the Mother of God the patroness of these 
sodalities, expending, as well, great quantities of incense upon 
such occasions; the throng, therefore, always continued to 
increase in numbers. We read, for instance, that, in the year 
1552, some Fathers of the Society instituted a small com- 
munity in the town of Louvaine, in Holland, consisting of about 

ten women, in order to study religious exercises ; in the course 
of the year, however, this community increased to such an 
extent as to forai four congregations, amounting to nearly a 
thousand members. One of these bodies consisted entirely of 
noble ladies and of those in high position, contrasting with the 
three others, in which the industrial and civil element played 
the chief part ; but it was precisely the noble sodality which was 
most zealous in the penitential exercises, and no single partaker 
in them omitted allowing the Spanish discipline from being 
administered to her by the Father Confessor. 

This despicable conduct, in submitting to every kind of 
condition, excited the greatest indignation among the men, 
and, at their instigation, the whole of the clergy, together with 
the professors of the university, combined in order to put 
a stop to the scandal. The congregations were, therefore, 
prohibited by the magisterial authorities, and a penalty was 
attached to the practice of the spiritual exercises. But the 
ladies, being accustomed to the correction of the worthy 
Fathers' rods, besought their spiritual advisers to continue the 
practice in spite of the prohibition, and carried the matter 
so far, indeed, that eventually the magistracy were constrained 
to withdraw it. One knows well how much female influence 
may efi'ect 1 The Jesuits conducted themselves in a precisely 
similar manner in the town of Bruges, and the three Fathers, 
John Ackerborn, Peter Wills, and Adrian von Wolf, managed to 
perform there the most marvellous things. But the worthy 
Father Gersen surpassed all in supremely foolish behaviour by 
raising the dress of a peasant girl, whom he happened to meet 
in the flelds, and flogging her until he was no longer capable of 
moving his arm. He appeared to have been afflicted with a 
mania for flogging. Some, however, are of opinion that very 
difl'erent objects actuated his proceedings. In Portugal, espe- 
cially in the capital, Lisbon, there likewise existed several 
congregations during the reign of King Alphonso, partly male 
and partly female, and lather Nunnotz was at the head of them 
as chief leader. Here, too, in particular, the female sodaliUes 
pursued quite an extraordinary career, and, as at Louvame, the 
exercises consisted in fasts, confessions, and prayers, but the 
chief thing of all was the Spanish discipline. After Nunnotz, 
Father Malagrida was the hero of the day in respect to asceUo 



exercises, and he conducted a penitential sisterhood among the 
ladies of the Court. All desired to be flogged by him, as it 
appeared he knew how to handle the rod with peculiar effect, 
and those submitting to it affirmed that they experienced far 
more agreeable " discipline " than when it was administered by 
any of the other Fathers. Spiritual exercises made also gigantic 
strides in Spain from the commencement ; and all, especially those 
belonging to the female world, hastened to enlist themselves in 
one or other of the numerous sodalities. The bishops, however, 
and with them the Archbishop of Toledo, Don Martinez Siliceo, 
at their head, took great umbrage at these proceedings, and, at the 
Synod of Salamanca, demanded that the Ignatian exercise-book 
should be thoroughly examined previous to the continuance of 
the exercises being permitted. It now came to this, in spite of 
the great influence that Father Araoz had upon Philip II., that 
when the improprieties of the Spanish discipline became exposed 
to the light of day, the Inquisition interfered in the matter, 
and, in l.o70, forbade for the future any such practices, as well 
especially as the employment of rods or even hands in the 
administration of the discipline. To this prohibition the Jesuits 
of Marcia, Toledo, Seville, Saragossa, and other towns in which 
they had eolleges^or other houses, replied by the institution of 
splendid processions, in which the most beautiful women in 
extraordinary numbers took part, all being barefoot with naked 
shoulders and legs, some being in such a coodition of primitive 
innocence that all honest matrons who still retained possession 
of their reason scornfully pointed at them with their fingers. 
Moreover, during the course of such processions, every now and 
then a halt was made, and then the ladies uncovered themselves 
still more in order to allow the use of the scourge. In short, 
indecency now attained to such a height, and the Jesuits 
publicly pushed the matter so far, as to irritate the Inquisition to 
the uttennost. 

It was now to be seen who would prevail, they or the 
Dominicans ; and, of course, the sons of Loyola, on account of 
the extraordinary influence they had acquired over Philip II., 
hoped eventually to obtain the victory. But, behold, in a short 
time it became apparent that the fearful power held by the 
Inquisition was incapable by any means of being overcome. On 
the contrary, it had taken such deep root in Spain as to strike 



terror into the heart of any enemy whatever ; and, consequently, 
the sons of Loyola came to the opinion that it was better to 
yield at once, and to give up the practices, in order not, in the 
end, to lose more ground. They, therefore, from this time forth, 
renounced the flagellation processions, as also the public practice 
of the spiritual exercises ; but, on the other hand, they received 
the ladies three times a day in their churches, with the view of 
administering the communion to them, and at night they 
secretly opened their colleges to them, in order that the consola- 
tion of the Spanish discipline might still not be wanting. The 
whole difference then consisted in this, that what had hitherto 
been done openly and publicly was now practised quietly and 
secretly, and that the numbers of recipients of the discipline 
became somewhat diminished, because the intrusion into the 
Jesuit colleges at the hours of midnight as regarded certain un- 
married maidens under good supervision, and, still more, married 
women, was attended with considerable difficulties. Notwith- 
standing this, however, very many still came, as the Jesuits with 
much pride affirmed,* and thus, considering the hour at which the 
discipline was now wont to be administered, the scandal became 
greatly increased instead of being diminished. In France, at 
that time, the Jesuits proceeded in the wildest manner with their 
flagellant processions, especially during the period that the 
government was carried on by Catherine de Medicis, as on one 
occasion, at Avignon, she herself headed the sodality of ladies, 
and it further became known that she was accustomed to 
administer the discipline to the younger ladies of the Court with 
her own hands. Her son, Henry III., was also a great friend 
of the flagellant processions, and regularly made his appearance 
at them provided with his rosary, wax candle, crucifix, rod, and 
prayer-book. Such a high example was, of course, contagious, 
and it thus became easy for the Jesuits to form congregations 
and sodalities in the large towns where they possessed esta- 
blishments of any description. In this respect Lyons and 
Toulons, as well as Avignon, which has been already men- 
tioned, were especially distinguished, but Paris itself became 
still more zealous than all of them. There women and 
maidens were almost daily to be seen running about in the 

• Compare with the Jesuit work, Imago primi Saculi Soc. Jesu, Lib. vi., 
cap. i, p. 739. 





streets with nothing on them hot a loose garment, and with 
scourges in their hands ; and even ladies of the highest rank, as 
for instance, the Duchesses de Guise, de Mercceur. d'Aumale! 
d Elbeuf, and others, exhibited themselves in a state o^ semi ' 
nudity, in order to show the example to the other women of 
Pans. On the other hand, nowhere else did scorn and satire 
show themselves so bitterly as in Paris, and lampoons made their 
appearance m regular showers, in which the Jesuit exercises 
were put in the pillory. For this reason permission was very 
soon granted by the Jesuits to their confessants, especially 
among those of high rank, to have their faces covered during 
the practice of the spiritual exercises, and, consequently, masks 
were alone to be seen in the later processions ; but the by- 
Standers, of whom there were not infrequently some hundreds or 
thousands, when the exercise processions appeared in the streets 
guessed who the different persons taking part in them were 
and then greeted them with such telling and stinging wit and 
ridicule, that the penitents might well have wished themselves 
anywhere else. On this account, as a matter of course, a con- 
siderable degree of cooling down in respect to the exercises now 
set m, and as at length, under Henry IV., self-inflicted punish- 
ment and flogging, and, above everything, the Spanish discipline, 
with all Its accompanying improprieties, came to be strictly for- 
bidden by the Parliament, under a severe penalty, this fanatical 
bigotry began to assume narrower dimensions, and eventually 
completely vanished from sight in public. But, be it well 
understood, in public merely ; for in private, within four walls, 
these mystical religious exercises continued in full force, and 
especially in the south, where French women of rank would 
rather have given up everything than relinquish the stimulus of 
the rod thus applied. 

I finally come now to speak of the reception which the book 
of Spiritual Exercises met with in Germany, and the Chronique 
Bcandaleuse of Bavaria reports so much on the subject, that 
one might easily fill more than one chapter about it. More- 
over, the women of Bavaria and Switzerland, as it appears, 
acquired such a peculiar taste for allowing themselves to be 
disciphned by the Jesuits in the Spanish manner, that it was 
only the immense confidence which married men and fathers 
were accustomed to place in the piety of the sons of Loyola 

which makes it conceivable how the practice of such exercises 
did not completely disturb the peace of families. It still, never- 
theless, happened here and there that a Father was occasionally 
thrown down a staircase or turned out of the house in some 
unpleasant manner; moreover, the popular wit, displayed in 
certain comic songs of the day, showed in what estimation the 
secret discipline of the worthy Fathers was held. One of these 
songs, indeed, puts the following words in the mouth of one of 
the sons of Loyola : — 

Komme hinter ihr geschlichen 
Mit dem Monsieur Birkenstrauas ; 

Kaach das Maüslein abgestrichen, 
Werd' auch, was da woll' daraus! 

Could any better proof be required as to the way in which 
the spiritual exercises were brought into use in the Fatherland, 
in so far as the Jesuits were concerned ? And what was the 
result ? One instance will suffice to indicate how matters fared 
amongst the fraternity of pious Fathers. 

I allude to the '' Girard- Cadi ere " affair, or, if one would rather 
have it, the scandalous law-suit between the Jesuit doctor, John 
Baptist Girard, and the maiden Catherine Cadiere,* which 
caused so much commotion in the world that whole folios were 
written concerning it, and thousands of men contended with 
each other in deadly strife regarding its issue. And, indeed, it 
may be rightly considered that never was there a case which 
placed the despicable proceedings of the Jesuits in a more 
glaring light, and not a single one of the many misdeeds per- 
petrated by the sons of Loyola has administered to them so 
severe a blow as this very Girard-Cadiöre affair. On this 
account the reader must permit me to narrate the story some- 
what in detail. 

Catherine Cadi^re, the daughter of a merchant called Joseph 
Cadiöre, and of Elizabeth his wife, me Pomet, was bom in 
Toulon in November 1710. She had no sisters, but only three 
brothers, one of whom occupied himself with mercantile pursuits, 

♦ The chief work regarding this trial appeared under the title ÄecMetZ 
Q^niral des Pieces concernant le Prods entre la Demoiselle Cadiere et fe t'ere 
Girard, comprising not less than eight thick octavo volumes, i^xtracts 
from this work, moreover, appeared in almost all the languages of Europe 
and engravings were made by amateurs of many of the scenes, and these 
were afterwards collected into a large folio volume. 





a second joined the Order of Dominicans, and the third devoted 

forTh V°. T'' 1- ''"'"^y- '° ''''' ^*' ^« fi"«d h-atr 
lor the duties of an ordinary priest. She herself remained from 

fl "^. f ^"""^^ "°*^"' '^' P"*^'"«' ^°°*' ""til at length the 
lather died somewhat prematurely, leaving, however, behind him 
a considerable amount of property, and consigning her to the 
care and protecüon of Mother Augapfel. The latter, as may be 
supposed, bestowed every possible attention on the education 
of the daughter, and the beautiful maiden, rather inclined too 
much to devout extravagance, flourished amazingly. She was 
simple and indolent, full of excellent qualities both of heart and 
mind, being distinguished among all her companions for gentle- 
ness and maidenly beauty. 

It was thus with Catherine Cadiöre when, in April 1728 
the Jesuit Father, John Baptist Girard, was transferred by his 
superiors to Toulon, in order to conduct there the Jesuit 
semmary for naval preachers, and also to officiate as spiritual 
adviser and preacher in the aforesaid town. After a short üme 
a change now came over the beautiful maid, which was entirely 
indeed, through the fault of the said Father Girard. Let us 
now «,nsider this man a little more in detail. Begarding his 
early youth there was but little known, and the same may be 
said hkewise as to his parentage. Still, however, it appears 
hat his great-grandfather, Balthasar Girard of bad reputefwas 
the murderer of the Prince of Orange. He entered the Order 
of Jesuits in his fifteenth year, and ten years later, in the year 
1/^1, was sent to the island of Martinique in the West Indies 
m order to contribute his assistance to the missionary work 
there. He appears, however, to have led here not the most 
correct of lives. Before the world he particularly put on all the 
appearance of a most strictly moral man, and he likewise dis- 
tinguished himself by his great eloquence, and was also con- 
p cuous otherwise for his spiritual endowments. His superiors, 
there ore, ,n order to give him a more suitable sphere of action 
transferred h.m to the town of Aix. in Provence! and there h 

wise judge and observer of human nature; consequently, in 

the year 1728, he was advanced, as before mentioned, for h^ 

ervices to be ßector of the seminary in Toulon. Such wl 

the antecedents of Cadiere and Girard. It is especially 

to be observed regarding Father Girard, that from the first ' 
day of his residence in Toulon not a syllable was breathed 
against his course of life, and to all appearance he seemed 
to be so thoroughly taken up with his religious devotions, 
that he was looked upon by everyone as a perfect pattern 
of respectability and virtue. Besides which, he displayed such 
charming eloquence, and at the same time presented such an 
agreeable exterior, that all flocked to listen to his sermons and 
attend at his confessional. He especially knew how to make 
himself beloved by the ladies, and a number of women and 
maidens selected him as adviser of their consciences. This con- 
fidence won for him many friends, and he spoke out his mind 
most freely to every beauty— strongly, pathetically, and signifi- 
cantly. He thus proceeded cautiously at the commencement. 
Moreover, he considered it to be more prudent, instead of 
entering the house openly by the door, to make his advances 
with subtlety, until he had duly proved the ground and felt 
his way. After proceeding so far, however, and, discovering 
some at least who seemed suited to answer his purposes, he 
began to speak of the spiritual exercises, and now his little 
flock became desirous of atoning for their past sins, and he 
thus apportioned to each of them difierent exercises which 
might prepare them for the crowning act of all— to wit, the dis- 
cipline. All went on now beyond expectation ; as he proceeded, 
in fact, to the flogging part of it with each individual penitent, 
all submitted to the operation without the slightest opposition. 
As may be well imagined, on the first few occasions he permitted 
them to uncover only a small part of the shoulders, in order 
that his victims might become accustomed to the kind of thing 
by degrees, and only after about a month, when he had overcome 
with much trouble the inherent sense of shame in them, did he 
require them to submit to the Spanish discipline. 

At the beginning of the year 1729 Catherine Oadi^re, at- 
tracted by his great reputation, selected father Girard as her 
Confessor, and this maiden, distinguished for her beauty and 
corporeal charms, as well as remarkable for her simplicity of 
heart and devotion, and almost extravagant piety, came into 
his meshes. One day, as Cadiere was paying him a visit in 
the refectory of his seminary, finding her m a peculiarly yield- 
ing mood, after urgently plying her with soft reproaches for not 





having visited him during several days, he bent over her, and 
implanted on her mouth a gentle kiss. He then besought her 
to follow him into the con Sessional, and after making minute 
inquiry thereinto all her dispositions, affections, and inclinations, 
he directed her to communicate every day in the different 
churches of the town, and prognosticated for her that she would 
presently be favoured by heavenly appearances and visions, and 
after stretching her imagination to the utmost, he dismissed her 
at last under the promise that she would daily unreservedly 
communicate to him a most accurate report concerning herself. 
Cadiere strictly obeyed. She went every day to take the com- 
munion, conjoining thereto long prayers, as well as almost 
excessive fastings, precisely as her Father Confessor had pre- 
scribed for her. The nervous system consequently soon became 
over excited ; in other words, she fell into a condition of hysteria, 
in which state she at one time saw heavenly, and, at another, 
infernal visions, whereby her blood became more heated, her fancy 
more confused, and her thoughts more elastic. It thus came so 
far as this, that she complained to the Father that her whole soul 
was so fired with holy love fur him that she could no longer pray 
aloud, and that she suffered from such very frightful torments, 
of which she could not divine the cause. Girard quieted her in 
this way : " Prayer,*' he told her, " is only a means of attaining 
to God ; when one has once attained to Him, and has become 
united to Him, then this is no longer necessary. The love, 
however, which you bear in your heart to me, need not occasion 
you any trouble, as the good God wills it that we should be 
united to one another ; I bear you in my lap and heart, and you 
are nothing else than a soul within me, indeed the soul of my 
soul." With these words he fervently kissed her on the mouth. 
In the meantime, while the praying, fasting, and communicating 
were going on with ever-increasing zeal and fervour, her con- 
dition became continually still more and more disturbed, and she 
was now not unfrequently seized with cramps and fainting fits, 
as also, moreover, all those indications set in which usually 
accompany somnambulism. Her visions now increased in fre- 
quency, and she often conducted herself like one possessed, and 
on these occasions broke out into fits of cursing and reviling, 
and it was only when Girard approached her couch that she 
became pacified, as he alone possessed the requisite influence 

over her spirit, and consequently the Confessor had always 
unimpeded access into the house of Cadiöre. During one of her 
attacks, Cadiere one day conceived an impression that she 
saw before her the soul of a mortal sinner, and at the same time 
she heard these words, *' When thou wilt save me from this 
state, thou must allow thyself to be taken possession of for a 
whole year by Satan." Upon this the maiden became immensely 
terrified, and at once made, a report of the vision to her 
Confessor, begging, at the same time, his assistance against such 
evident Satanic vexation. But what did he now do ? Instead of 
pacifying her, he distinctly declared to her that it was her duty 
to save this soul, and that she must, therefore, give herself up to 
Satan for a year ; indeed, he urged her to it so vehemently that 
she gave her consent to everything, and swore, with a holy oath, 
according to the following formulary : " I submit myself, and 
am ready to say, do, and suffer everything that may be required 
of me." From this time forth— it was towards the end of the 
year 1729— the poor child imagined herself completely in the 
power of Satan, and in this state frequently broke out into 
most horrible reviling and cursing, so that her mother and 
brother were terrified about it. But another far more important 
result was that the beautiful maid, in consequence, greatly 
suffered in health, owing to these attacks, and was obliged to 
keep to her bed, or at all events to her room, during the 
whole time, and that thereby Father Girard had the opportunity 
of remaining alone with his penitent, not for a quarter or half an 
hour, merely, at a time, but for the whole day, from eariy in the 
morning until late at night. He alone, and no other, had any 
power over her and the Devil ; could, then, access be denied 
to him at any time ? Besides, was he not generally considered 
to be a demi-saint, especially by the mother of the patient, a very 
piously disposed and bigoted woman ? It would, indeed, verily 
be looked upon as a deadly sin to think any evil of him ; and, 
consequently, it was permitted to him at all times to come to the 
poor Cadiere without the least let or hindrance, in order to 
enable him to prevail over the exorcisms of Satan. When he 
happened to be with her, the door was immediately locked upon 
them, and no one, not even the nearest relation, was allowed 
to open it until he considered it proper to allow it. 

We draw a veil over the remainder of the story, and pass on to 




the penod when the wretched girl was taken to the cloister of 
St. Clara at Ollioiiles, on the 6th of Julv 1730. Who could 
now he a happier man than Father Girard ? His joy however 
soon turned out to he of hut short duration, as 'we shall 
presently find. Girard allowed the first fourteen days to 
pass without visiting his heloved one; he personallv, then 
appeared at the cloister, and easily contrived to persuade 
the Ahhess to allow him to see Cadi^re, and enter into 
correspondence with her. Of this permission he took the 
fullest advantage, and, upon the pretext of hearing her con- 
fession, remained for many hours with her. He was still how- 
ever, very circumspect at first, although all his letters ahounded in 
extravagantly loving expressions, containing hits of moral teach- 
mg and spiritual advice " for his dear child favoured hy God " 

So matters went on to the holy Father's taste for a con- 
siderahle period ; hut at length, the continuance of the love 
affair hemg now no longer practicahle in Ollioules. he con- 
sequently suddenly declared that as Cadi^re had now suffi- 
cient ly henefited humanity hy her holv manner of life in 
the cloister of St. Clara, as well as in Toulon, it was now time 
she should be transferred to another cloister, in order that it 
also might enjoy the fruits of her holiness. He, therefore, 
selected a cloister of the Carthusian nuns at Premola, near Lyons 
as the next abode of the novice, and made arrangements for 
her transfer there within the next few days. In the meantime 
however the Abbess, having ascertained what had been goin? 
on speedily informed the Bishop of Lyons of everything that 
had taken place, and he at once ordered Cadiöre to remain 
where she was. He, furthermore, forbade her from emploving 
Father Gerard any longer as her Confessor, and, at the same 
time prohibited the latter from ever again entering the cloister 
01 bt. Clara. He also, some days afterwards, charged Ahh6 
Camerle to convey Cadiere, for her greater security, in a carriage 
to the country house of Monsieur Panque, not far from Toulon 
he being a near relative of his. Lastly, he appointed Fathe^ 
Niclas. Prior of the Carmelite cloister of Lyons, to discharge the 
duty of Confessor to Cadi^re, with instructions to watch her as 
carefully as possible for the future. An ungovernable rage now 
seized upon Father Girard when he got tidings of the Bishop's 
regulations; still greater, however, was his fright, as he imagined 



that Cadiere might already have made a full confession. How- 
ever, he soon regained his . usual presence of mind, and at 
once despatched one of his hitherto trusted friends, Mademoiselle 
Gravier, to Cadiere at the country house of Panque, partly to 
find out exactly what had taken place, and partly in order to get 
away the many letters he had written to her. This latter was 
for him a matter of life and death, as, supposing the amorous 
correspondence were found, the disgraceful relationship between 
them would come to light, and, on this account, he had selected 
Gravier particularly as his ambassadress, as Cadiöre had com- 
plete confidence in her. The mission, in fact, succeeded beyond 
all expectation, for not only did Gravier obtain possession of all 
the desired letters, with the exception of a few which still re- 
mained in a box at Ollioules, but Cadiöre, in order to please her 
beloved Confessor, delivered to her also the whole of the mysti- 
fied and unmystified writings, by the reading of which she had 
formerly been attracted by him. Girard now felt as if he had been 
newly born. He had in his possession the chief corpus delicti, and 
anything which might be verbally said against him he could 
deny. Who, then, could do him any serious harm ? But this 
time it happened otherwise. The new Father Confessor soon had 
reason to surmise what had been the true relationship which had 
subsisted between the Jesuit and his confessant, and this suspicion 
soon found confirmation in the fact that Cadiere several times 
secretly left the country house by night, in order to visit, in the 
Jesuit seminary at Toulon, her fondly-loved former Confessor. 
On this account, he pursued an investigation of the matter still 
further, with much assiduity, and, by his strong remonstrances, 
brought it to this point at last, that the maid at length revealed to 
him the whole secret of this shameful transaction. He was, indeed, 
truly horrified at such wickedness in a priest of the Lord ; and in 
one,' moreover, who had passed for being so holy, he would have 
considered it to bo quite impossible. He, of course, at once 
laid the whole matter before the Bishop, who forthwith himself 
hastened to the country house in person, in order to obtain 
confirmation of the shameful transaction from the lips of the 
wrongdoer herself. What a horror ! The Bishop, of course, 
swore to avenge the insulted Church, and to free the town of 
Toulon from this voracious wolf. But Cadiere, overwhelmed 
with tears, besought him on her knees, for the honour of herself 



and family, to throw a veil of silence over the past, and her 
brother, the Dominican, whom she had brought along with her 
as a witness, also entreated the Bishop with the same object. 
Added to all this were the representations of the Abbe Camerle, 
who brought the Bishop to be of opinion that it would be such 
a terrible scandal to the whole of Christendom, were the affair 
to become publicly known, that it would be wiser not to allow 
justice, for this time, to take its course. The Bishop, in short, 
was soon made to depart from his original intention, and at last 
promised to consign the whole hideous story to everlasting 
oblivion. He could not, however, bring himself to allow Father 
Girard to continue to act any longer as spiritual guide, and, 
consequently commissioned Father Niclas, the prior of the Car- 
melites, along with Father Cadi^re, the Dominican, to undertake 
the spiritual supervision of the whole of the confessants of Father 
Girard. It seemed now that the whole of this frightful crimd 
was to be buried in everlasting oblivion, and it would most cer- 
tainly have so happened had it not been for the boundless 
spiritual arrogance of the Jesuits. 

They could not at all brook the idea that their Rector, hitherto 
regarded as being so holy, should in future be debarred from 
hearing confessions, and he himself hurled fire and flames at 
the notion of a separation from those who had, up to this time, 
been his confessing daughters. The town of Toulon was, more- 
over, overrun with all kinds of reports as to what had taken 
place, and these latter did not, assuredly, at all redound to the 
credit of the sons of Loyola. Lastly, who could guarantee that 
Cadiöre herself might not, sooner or later, reveal the matter, or 
come forward with a complaint ? Something, therefore, must be 
publicly done, in order to make the Society of Jesus secure 
against all injury, and such could best be effected bycausina: the 
confessant of Girard to be judicially, but in a very partial and 
summary manner, condemned as a liar and calumniator. 

Thus did the Jesuits reason with themselves, especinlly so 
Fathers Girard and Sabathir ; indeed, as regards the former, his 
very existence being now at stake, and love being now blown to 
the winds, there remained nothing else, in his case, but Jesuitical 
arrogance, more especially as the latter was to play the principal 
part in the trial. The black-cloaked fraternity, backed as they 
were by the Bishop's official, who was his vicar in all secular 



judicial affairs, hoped that, as the ordained criminal court 
in ecclesiastical matters was completely favourable to them, 
they might with facility obtain the sentence they desired. 
Accordingly, after a consultation with their adherents, they 
suddenly declared to the Bishop that they felt themselves quite 
unable to reconcile themselves to the policy of silence ordained 
by him, and they, at the same time, handed over to the Epi- 
scopal Ecclesiastical Court a well drawn-up document in which 
they strenuously called for the most minute investigation. 
" Either," said they, in this memorial, " Father Girard has com- 
mitted the crime of which he has been accused, in which case 
he should receive the severest punishment, or he has not done 
so, when his accuser must be put down as a thoroughly depraved 
calumniator." Urged in this manner, the Bishop ordered his 
official to proceed, as in duty bound, and the latter at once 
commenced the investigation by the interrogation of Cadiöre, 
of her brother the Dominican, and of her then Confessor 
the prior of the Carmelites. In this respect he went to work 
with great partiality, as it will afterwards be proved that, 
the declarations of the three under examination were either not 
accepted at all, or, what was worse, were recorded most inaccu- 
rately, and, moreover, Cadiere, from a feeling of shame, became 
conlused in her replies; The commencement of the process in 
this way proved to be very favourable for Girard, as, also, did 
the next stage in the proceeding. After .the first hearing 
by the official, the business came on before the criminal 
court, which thereupon made itself acquainted with the so- 
called " S2)ecies JacU;' that is to say, the documentary 
evidence which could be adduced by the complainant. None 
was forthcoming, however, with the exception of five letters, 
three of which were directed to the Abbess of Ollioules, and two 
to Cadiere herself, the wily Father having contrived, as before 
stated, to have the others destroyed. Upon this^ the hearing of the 
witnesses was now proceeded with, and here also was but little 
brought to light very damaging to the pious Father, because 
the judges stood in the most intimate relationship to the Jesuits, 
and the declarations inimical to Girard were consequently gone 
into very superficially, or designedly drawn up and modified. 
On the other hand, the statements previously obtained by the 
Jesuits, through bribery, and fabricated, of course, in favour of 




the Father, were dwelt upon in detail, and, more especially, 
the statements of the Rector's former confessor, which, as a 
•matter of course, abounded in declarations favourable to 
Girard's reputation for godliness and morality, were most care- 
fully noted. In short, the court of justice did not even refrain 
from illegal acts, and, in order that no trick or artifice might be 
forgotten or omitted, the judges assembled every evening in 
the seminary of the Jesuits, where, together with Fathers Girard 
•and Sabathiere, they concocted everything that should be pro- 
duced next day. At length they carried the matter so far as 
to convey Cadiere herself into the Ursuline convent in Toulon, 
over which the Jesuits had the right of supervision, and they 
then, in order to make her life as miserable as possible, con- 
fined her in a room where a lunatic had shortly before died, and 
where the smell and foulness of the air was quite pestilential, a 
bundle of foul straw being all. that she had for a bed. In order, 
indeed, that her measure might be fall, the Ursuline nuns 
were brought forward as witnesses against her, and swore that 
everything that she had hitherto alleged was nothing more 
than falsehood and calumny, and that, without doubt, she had 
been bribed by the enemies of Loyola in order to do them an 
injury. In spite of all, however, the matter did not come so 
speedily to a termination as the Jesuits imagined. On the 
contrary, it attracted such an immense interest throughout 
the whole of France, that the King, at the request of his 
Council of State, ordered the strictest investigation to be made 
into it, and entrusted the conduct thereof to the Supreme Court 
ofAix. The aff'air now entered upon a new phase, and the 
whole civilised world watched its progress with the greatest 
anxiety. The Jesuits, however, now seeing that it was to them 
a matter of life and death, called up the whole influence that the 
Society could muster in order to obtain a favourable result for 
themselves, and were so unsparing in their expenditure of money 
in bribes to the judges and witnesses, that it amounted to more 
than a million of francs. Whatever intelligence, cunning, and 
wickedness could efibct was devised, and the perjuries perpetrated 
were to be counted by hundreds.* Father Girard ostensibly 

* Whoever is interested as to the details of this trial, and especially as to 
the web of Jesuit deceit, let him read the first volume of the work, Process 
zwischen dem Pater Girard^ S.J.t Rectoris des iSeminarii de la Marine du Toulon 
^nd dsr Jungfer Cadilrt. Coin, 1732. 



produced before the court all the letters which he had for- 
merly written to Cadidre but they were not the identical ones, 
being specially fabricated and antedated, and accordingly 
breathing nothing but solicitude for the well-being of his 
confessant. Witnesses came forward who accused the Prior of 
the Carmelites and the Dominican Father Cadiäre of having 
formed a conspiracy against Father Girard, and of having 
pledged themselves to ruin him, as well as the Order of 
Jesus, in the eyes of the world by the trumped-up false- 
hoods of Catherine Cadiere. The nuns of OUioules were so 
worked upon that they retracted all that they had laid at 
the door of Father Girard, and, on the contrary, made out 
Cadiere to be a person unworthy and abandoned, who had tried 
to seduce the worthy Father. Cadiere herself was particularly 
tortured and tormented, both physically and morally, in a most 
barbarous way, and threatened with eternal ruin and deprivation 
of all spiritual consolation if she did not at once sign a declara- 
tion that the accusation which she had made against Father 
Girard was a falsehood and a calumny. She was, indeed, formally 
exorcised before a number of ecclesiastical and other witnesses, 
and so depressed by maltreatment and attempts at casting out 
of the devil, that she fell into a faint of several hours duration. 
She was, lastly, subjected for three days, viz. the 25th, 26th, 
and 27th of February 1731, to an uninterrupted course of 
interrogation from morning till night, and it was hoped thus 
to coniuse her by putting cross and crooked questions, while 
by the exceptionable means of suggestion she might be 
brought to contradict herself or be shown to be mentally 
incapable. On the first day she remained stedfast to her 
former declarations, and distinctly recapitulated, in clear un- 
doubtful words, all the shameful proceedings that had taken 
place between herself and Father Girard. She did so as well 
on the second day, without losing her presence of mind. 
On the third day, however, according to a statement made 
by a daughter of a widow, by name Guiol, who had a hand in 
the affair, a narcotic drug was given to her in her breakfast 
by her attendant, the action of which was so potent that she 
was- for some time unable even to recognise her own mother. 
On this account an application was at once made to the court 
for an investigation into the treatment she had experienced i 

21 • 



but this petition met with no attention, and the inquiry pro- 
ceeded further without interruption, after the poor creature had 
in some measure regained her senses. The result was that she, 
whose mind had been already unhinged by constant ill-treatment, 
threats, reproaches, and intimidation, as also by the stupilying 
effects of the drug before mentioned, became still more confused, 
so much so, I affirm, that, after long and strenuous remonstrance, 
she recanted not only all that she had previously advanced to 
the prejudice of the Jesuit Girard, but also on the question 
being put to her as to who had instigated her to invent such a 
tissue of untruths, replied that ''Father Niclas," the Prior of the 
Carmelites, was the originator of the whole scandal, and that 
it was he alone who had persuaded her to proceed legally against 
her former Father Confessor. What rejoicing now arose among 
the Jesuits when this confession came from the lips of Cadi^re ! 
At last, after they had striven for months past, with such an 
infinity of trouble, and such an immense expenditure of money, 
the innocence of Girard and the saving of the honour of the 
Society of Jesus might be published to the world ! Still, how- 
ever, the matter did not by any means proceed so quickly. The 
court of justice, indeed, ordered the immediate transfer of 
Cadiere into the cloister of the Visitation in Aix, in order that 
she might be kept there in strict seclusion until the sentence 
was promulgated. So far well ; and it might, too, be foreseen 
very well, as a certainty, that this said sentence would be made 
as severe for the female calumniator as lor the co-conspirator, 
the Prior of the Carmelites. It was a pity, however, that 
Cadiere, as soon as she had regained her senses, averred 
that her last confession had been absolutely false, and was 
obtained from her simply by compulsion, and everyone of any 
intelligence gave credence to her in this respect. Noth with- 
standing, however, that Father Girard, as may well be imagined, 
strenuously denied with a bold face all the proceedings with 
Cadiere imputed to him, as well as all the grave charges that 
had been especially advanced against him, he could not alto- 
gether hold his own, as several of the witnesses stedfastly adhered 
to the evidence they had already given; some few of them, at least, 
testified to the truth of what Cadiere had brought forward 
against him, and those few already threw quite an extraordinary 
Ught upon the affair. He thus ultimately was induced to adiuii 



that his confessant had for a long time suffered from hysterical 
attacks, by which she was deprived of consciousness for hours 
together, and that he had shut himself up with her alone 
during all this time. He further acknowledged that he had 
administered the Spanish discipline to her. 

All this did he, indeed, confess, being unable altogether 
to deny the testimony brought forward against him, as his 
understanding told him that he must not make himself suspected 
by being too obstinate. He affirmed that he had the right, so 
to speak, of interpreting his deeds and actions, as well as his 
own words, and was thus consequently in a position to make 
them out to be as innocent as possible. But he might say what 
he liked, in what he himself acknowledged was there not a clear 
admission that he must have stood on a peculiariy confidential 
footing with his confessant? On such terms, indeed, as were 
evidently entirely contrary to all decorum. 

It was thus, then, not to be wondered at that there was hardly 

anyone in the lay world who looked upon Father Girard as 

innocent, and, on that account, credence was even given to 

Cadiere, as, by a solemn protest made on oath, she cancelled all 

the proceedings which had taken place during her tljird hearing, 

affirming that the pure truth was only contained in her first 

confession. Still further, indeed, as Cadiere, by the advice of 

her advocate, now complained to the Council of State regard- 

ing the abuse of ecclesiastical justice, and appealed claiming 

a reversion to the former mode of investigation ; her petition 

was at once complied with, and the Parliament of Aix 

decided to refer the case for final determination to the 

last court of appeal. The trial thus began afresh from the 

commencement, and the Jesuits then incessantly used all 

their influence in order to bias the new judges in their 

favour. Repeatedly did their friends, both male and female, 

work upon the members of Parliament, repeatedly did they 

make use of threats of eternal punishment, repeatedly did 

they employ gold in such quantities that, to the vast 

amount already expended, yet another million was added In 

this manner, in fact, did the sons of Loyola win tlie judges 

over to their side, and another great advantage that they had 

was that the celebrated advocate, Thorame, was retained by them 

to plead for Girard before the Court They, moreover, dared to 



reckon upon the Procurator- General for tbemselves, as also tbe 
Chief Attorney of State, and secretly, too, even the president of 
the court sold himself to them, body and soul. Under these 
circumstances, then, they might well calculate upon a favourable 
termination to the case, more especially, also, as Cadiöre could 
neither command many friends nor much money. One thing, 
however, had been forgotten by the sons of Loyola — that is, the 
sense of justice, which can never die out from the mind of man, 
and it was this feeling that obtained for Cadiöre such a distin- 
guished advocate as Chaudon, who, if he did not excel Thorame 
in acumen and craft, was, at all events, his superior as regards 
knowledge and skill, and thus prevented, at least, all of the judges, 
or even a majority of them, from being blinded by the gold of 
the Girard party. T shall not now dwell any longer on the 
particulars of this scandalous story, most scandalous, indeed, in 
more ways than one, but hasten to bring it to a conclusion. On 
the 11th of September 1731, Thorame, Father Girard 's advocate, 
made this proposition, " That Cadi^re should be sentenced in the 
first place to do penance before the Church of St. Salvador, and 
then be hanged and strangled.*' This sentence was, however, 
peremptorily rejected by far the greater majority of votes of the 
members of the Court of Justice, which consisted of twenty-five. 
A counter proposition on the part of Chaudon ran thus, ** That 
Father Girard should be sentenced to death for having been 
completely proved guilty of ecclesiastical incest, as well as of 
the degradation of his priestly office, by repeated crimes against 
morality,*' and not fewer than twelve judges voted for it ; one 
was, therefore, wanting in order to constitute this to be the 
conclusion come to by the Court. The other twelve judges 
agreed upon a third proposition, of the nature of a compromise, 
which ran as follows : " That Father Girard, in consideration of 
the evident imbecility of mind that had come upon him, and 
which had made him to be an object of derision to his confess- 
ants, should be acquitted of the gravamen of the crime and 
misdemeanor laid to his charge, and, on the other hand, should 
be dealt with by the Ecclesiastical Court ; secondly, that Cadiöre 
should be given over free to her mother, with the sole penalty of 
bearing the expenses incurred by the Criminal Lieutenant of 
Toulon, but without interest on former costs; thirdly, thatNiclas, 
the Prior of the Carmelites, as well as Gadiire'f ^r^ther, both 



of whom had been accused of conspiracy against Girard, should 
be acquitted and released from prison ; fourthly and lastly, that 
the documents, which had been drawn up for the parties, so far 
as they might be prejudicial to the honour of the Church, should 
be tarn up and destroyed by the chief clerk of the Court." As 
regards the second and third propositions, then, the former 
was rejected, while in the case of the latter, the votes being 
equally divided, it rested with the casting vote of the President; 
he, however, being a friend of the Jesuits, voted, as a matter of 
course, for the latter, and accordingly the above-mentioned com- 
promise, which allowed all the parties to go free, was passed, as the 
decision come to bv the Court. Some of the judges, indeed, being 
strongly biased in favour of the Order of Jesus, were of opinion 
that it was right that some sort of punishment, at least, should be 
inflicted on Cadi^re, in order that she might not be able to boast 
of having completely escaped scot-free, but the rest of the 
members of Parliament were not in the least to be moved. 
"What!" said one of them, full of indignation, "we have just 
acquitted a man who is perhaps one of the greatest criminals in 
the worid, and are we to assign the least punishment to this 
poor giri ? Bather let this palace be consumed by fire, and our- 
selves buried in the ruins." These stirring words took eff*ect, and 
Cadiöre was released out of prison. So ended the case of Girard 
V Cadiöre, which caused such an enormous sensation throughout 
the whole of Europe. It terminated, according to the meaning 
of the sentence, without result, and still, what an uncommonly 
clear signification lay therein. And why ? Had not the Order 
of Jesus accused Cadiöre and her brother, along with the Prior 
of the Carmelites, of being false accusers and conspirators ; why, 
then did they go unpunished ? On the other hand, was it a 
light matter to bring charges of the most serious nature against 
a priest of the rank of Rector of the Jesuits ? Certainly, had 
Father Girard been innocent, Cadiöre would not have escaped 
death and the Jesuits had thus, with all their enormous influence 
and their terrific expenditure of money, contrived to do no more 
than prevent their brother being condemned to death. That he 
deserved such a fate, however, no right-thinking man in the 
whole civilised worid could have the slightest doubt, and, on the 
promulgation of the sentence in Aix, it was indeed found to be 
necessary to haye a large military force in order to be able to 





convey him in safety throngh the howling crowd. But even 
further than this, the Archhishop of Aix, although not such a 
crow as to pick out the eyes of another, puhlicly came over to he 
of the opinion of those who designated the pious Father as a 
criminal, and maintaining that he was guilty, not only prohibited 
him from ever again mounting a pulpit, from which he might 
hoast of his triumph, but banished him out of the town of Aix 
and entirely out of the whole of his Archiepiscopal See. Girard 
thus dared not to return to Toulon, as it was feared that his 
doing so might have caused an insurrection, and he consequently 
took up his abode in Lyons, and, not long after, in about a year, 
took his departure out of the world, people affirming that the 
sudden death of such a strong man could be looked upon no 
otherwise than as a judgment of God upon him. What did it 
matter that the Jesuits tried in every possible way to write him 
up as a persecuted saint ? None gave any credence to them, but 
thousands upon thousands came to the conclusion that a society 
which had not only refrained from expelling out of their body, as 
a mangy sheep, a criminal, evidently of the grossest description, 
but had taken him up in their arms and elevated him up to 
heaven, — that such a society, I say, was no better than the 
criminal himself. 

A few words must, lastly, be said concerning the future fate of 
Cadiöre. On leaving the Court of Justice, she was greeted with 
the most vociferous cheers, and all made haste to tender to her 
the deepest sympathy. She was, indeed, regularly feted as 
a heroine, and a number of poems made their appearance in 
which her stedfastness, and especially her beauty, were extolled 
with the highest praise.* On the other hand, the tongue of 
malice and calumny did not remain silent; all maidens, espe- 
cially those who had Jesuits for Father Confessors, being 
disposed to defame her secretly in all kinds of ways. Her 
residence in Aix, consequently, soon became in the highest 
degree intolerable, and she also found it to be equally impossible 

• She was a brunette of middle stature, of peculiarly mild and agreeable 
features, with an uncommonly symmetrical figure. She was especially 
diatmguished for a truly wonderful harmony in her whole appearance, as 
well as for a fulness and freshness of which it would be difficult to find the 
like ; and, above all, her contemporaries extolled h*^r '=lprk pirroin« softly 
languishing eyes, corresponding exquisitely with her luxurious bkck hair. 
In a word, it would be no easy matter to find more charms united in a female 
form than m Ca4jherine Cadi^re, tho victim of the Jesuit Girar^ 

to remain any longer in Toulon. Her mother, therefore, quickly 
disposed of all her property, and one fine morning both mother 
and daughter disappeared without leaving behind them a single 
trace of where they had gone. The sons of Loyola put 
themselves to no end of trouble to find out the place of her 
abode, and many persons who, it may be stated, had been 
initiated into the secret were, under various pretexts, thrown 
into prison, with the object of inducing them to let it out. 
History is, however, silent as to whether they were successful, as 
.the world never heard anything more of the poor unfortunate 
creature. Several people affirmed that she had gone over the 
water into some foreign country under a feigned name ; others 
would have it that, out of disgust for the world, she had immured 
herself in some cloister, to which her mother had made over all 
her property. The majority, however, maintained that the 
Jesuits having discovered her abode, she had then been secretly 
removed from the world by poison. 







Die Schwarzröck sind die Hirten der Erde, 
Die Bürger des Erdkreises sind die Heerde ; 

Die Weid' ist ihr liegendes Gut, 

Die WoU' ihr Reichthum und Blut. 
Wer aber bestimmt die Platze zum Weiden? 

Das ist in Bom der schwarz* General, 

Der da herrscht aber Papst und Könige zumal. 
Er scheeret die Wolle, das Schaaf müss es leiden, 

Und müss noch danken demüthiglich, 

Dass er mit der Wolle begnüget sich; 
Denn wenn er auch noch das Fell wollt' nehmen, 
Wer Eonnt's ihm wehren? 

Aus dem Drama : " Der Weinberg des Nahoth, 





The first great nail in the coffin of the Order of Jesus was, as I 
have just shown, the vices which the sons of Loyola practised 
to such an extraordinary extent; the second still greater and 
still more important death-hlow which I conspicuously hring to 
notice was their inordinate desire to attain riches, hy any kind ol 
means, even the most exceptionable. We have learned through 
the First Book of this work, how very much the founder ot the 
Society of Jesus sought to symbolize, through his own proper 
example. Christian humiUty, poverty, and self-sacrifice in the 
highest degree, and he urged with iron austerity that his disciples 
should imitate him in this respect. We also know that he 
claimed for his Order at the same time, with the view to the 
establishment, endowment, and maintenance of colleges, semi- 
naries, novice-houses, and other educational institutions, the 
privilege of accumulating as much money and goods as could be 
gathered together, and that he attached at least as great impor- 
Lee to this matter as to the symbolizing of Christian poverty, 
self-denial, and simplicity. Both rules-riches for the Order, 
and poverty for the individual son of Loyola-were, in accord- 
ance with the intention of the founder of the Order, kept with 
a truly rigorous consistency ; and there was required of every 
Jesuit on his entrance into the Society, the double duty to gain 
at once as much as ever was possible for the latter, and to 
sacrifice for the general benefit— that is, for the Order and its 





General— all that he should personally win or acquire, himself 
living in the greatest frugality and poverty, under the obligation 
of self-renunciation. This was for mortal man a task very 
difficult of fulfilment, and, indeed, was almost impossible; 
consequently it was never in reality carried out, but merely in 
appearance— only so far as was necessary to lead mankind into 
error. And why ? Were not the more initiated soon well aware 
that, neither in the Jesuit profess-houses nor in the colleges and 
other institutions of the Order, was there even the least restric- 
tion in relation to eating, drinking, or other enjoyments of life ? 
It was true, indeed, that there secretly reigned in certain things 
a luxury that was not to be met with in even the most wealthy • 
houses— a luxury of such a refined description as to promote 
the very vices which it was the duty of the fraternity to avoid. 
All this gradually became known, but only, as before said, among 
the more initiated circles, as the great mass of the public allowed 
themselves to be deceived, through many dozens of decades, by 
the external appearance of indigence maintained for mere out- 
ward show, and strangers taken into a Jesuit institution saw 
there nothing but plainly furnished apartments, along with a 
corresponding simplicity in other respects. Yet far more is 
behind the scenes. As regards the riches which were collected 
by the Order for the general benefit, is one actually to rest 
satisfied that they were solely to be used for the educational 
establishment, as laid down by the statutes of the Order ? How, 
then, were there so many paid spies who were maintained at the 
several great and small courts, sunk in vice ? With what were 
the situations of Father Confessors to ministers and other influen- 
tial personages bought, frequently at uncommonly dear prices ? 
How much did the alliances and marriages cost, which the Order 
of Jesus brought about among the great of the earth for its own 
advantage, and how much was expended on mistresses and other 
similar creatures? Certainly the great mass of the people 
might be managed through fanaticism, flattery, and bigotry ; in 
higher circles, however, very difl'erent machinery must be set in 
motion, and the acquisition and oiling of this machinery cost 
money, and, indeed, a very large amount. 

Ftom these few indications one perceives why, in spite of all 
this display of poverty and indigence by individual members, the 
buciety of Jesus had need to accumulate riches of every kind. 

»nd it succeeded in this to such an extent that, so early as the 
year 1626, the university of Pans complained of the immensity 
of these possessions. *' Along with their colleges," so it is 
stated in that written complaint, ** are conjoined the best and 
richest benefices, landed estates, and foundations, and their 
revenues are now so great that they can no longer, with any 
amount of cunning, conceal that such is the case. On this 
account their houses can no more be termed houses, but resemble 
rather kings' palaces and residences of princes of the blood, as 
regards splendour and magnificence." 

Such was the case in France itself, and, indeed, in all other 
countries in which the Order of Jesus had procured an entrance. 
And another question may now be put. How and by what means 
had these riches been accumulated ? The Jesuits, of course, 
maintained that it had all been effected in a straightforward, 
honourable, and honest manner, namely, by presents made to 
them by believers, of their own accord ; and there cannot be 
any question but that much money and property came into their 
possession in this way. Moreover, as we have already seen in 
the First Book, the Popes, almost without any exception, showed 
themselves so favourable to them, that to obtain they had only 
to indicate a number of incomes which the Roman Senate had 
at its disposal ; they also stirred up the orthodox behevers, by 
"Special Bulls, to accord benevolent contributions to the Order, 
^ while on the reverse, they launched heavy denunciations against 
all who endeavoured to hinder any such benevolence. Lastly, 
it is an acknowledged fact that a very considerable amount was 
derived from the masses read by the sons of Loyola, not to 
speak of rosaries sold, as in prosperous times the former averaged 
hall a million annually, and, nota bene, those half million were 
only read for deceased persons who had shown especial hberality 
to the Society. Notwithstanding all this, however, it would 
appear incredible that such colossal riches as the Jesuits pos- 
sessed could have been acquired merely by these means, and 
thinking people soon began to be of opinion that the sons of 
Loyola employed besides ." entirely difierent " ways to succeed 
in their object. And it was not difficult to produce the neces- 
sary proofs for such a supposition as soon as they had observed 
more closely the behaviour which the Jesuits assumed towards 
the rich and highly conditioned, while as Father Conliesaors 





towards the rulers of the vorld these spiritual guides were 
actually obliged, by the command of their General, to stir 
up their confessants continually to exercise bencTolence towards 
the Order of Jesus, and experience proved that they fulfilled this 
obligation most assiduously. One has only to run through 
superficially the history of Bavaria and Austria, or that of Spain 
and Portugal, to be enabled to seize such things by the hands, so 
to speak, and such was the case, also, in all other countries and 
territories in which the sons of Loyola had made a nest for 
themselves. In a word, it was soon perfectly apparent to the 
intelligent that the sons of Loyola claimed for themselves, as a 
kind of monopoly, the spiritual counselling and conscience-keeping 
of all the rich people and persons of rank, and that they suc- 
ceeded, by their unremitting exertions, in confining the remaining 
monks and members of Orders to the confessions of the poor 
and those of low degree. But how was this? öimply because 
much was to be obtained from the wealthy and opulent, whereas 
one must needs go away empty-handed Irom those in humble 

spheres of life. 

But these are only general statements; in particular cases, 
however, things came to hght which proved that the sons of 
Loyola made use of the confessional in a way which may be 
denominated scarcely less than dishonourable. Thus, when 
examining the matter in regai'd to Venice, it will be seen, by 
letters which were found, that they made use of the confes- 
sional in order to pry into family secrets, and in particular 
into the circumstances of private individuals, and that they 
sent an accurate report to their General in Home on the 
subject every six weeks. There was traced, too, on investi- 
gation of the Jesuit College at Euremonde, in the Netherlands, 
a letter of the General Kicci, in which the chiefs were 
instructed in what way they might be able to prevent 
rich widows from contracting a second maniage. Thus 
they raised a hope in several of their confessants that they 
would be assured of happiness after death as soon as 
they should give themselves up wholly and entirely to 
Jesuit guidance; for example, the rich Marie de la Coque, 
after she had made a will in favour of the Society of Jesus, 
allowed herself, on the persuasion of the Father La Colom- 
biere, to be bled, always on the first Friday in every month. 


"in honour of the holy heart of Mary"; this continued 
from 1674 to 1690, until she at length died from loss of 
blood in the latter year. In this manner they intimidated 
many of their flock with the eternal pains of hell in such 
a truly barbarous manner, and did not grant them absolution 
until the fraternity had obtained a certain sum. The well- 
known Jesuit, Salmeron, made them pay as much as a 
thousand gold dollars. Thus, the two Fathers Alegambi and 
Ortiz carried on with the Countess Magdalena Ulloya, the 
widowed grand stewardess of the Emperor Charles V., to such 
an extent, in regard to being possessed with a devil, that she 
made over 16,000 ducats to them, in order to drive out Satan ; 
while in a precisely similar manner Father Canisius trans- 
gressed as regards the two Countesses Ursula and Sibilla von 
Fugger. Again, two other Jesuits, for the sum of 200,000 
florins, finding that a very rich but half-witted man, in regard 
to his fate after death, wished for some assurance, furnished 
him with the following passport to eternity : — 

" We, the undersigned, as priests of the true religion, attest 
and promise, in the name of our Society, which possesses the 
necessary authority in such cases, that it takes under its 
special protection Mr. Hippolyte Bräm, licenciate of law, 
in order to defend him against the whole power of hell, in 
the event of its desire to undertake anything against his 
honour, his person, or his soul; this we confirm by oath, 
employing in such a case the authority of our most illustrious 
founder, in order that the above-mentioned Bräm may be pre- " 
sented, through him, to the most holy chief the Apostle, with 
all the fidelity and precision to which our Society is bound. 
For the further confirmation of this, we have stamped it with the 
secret seal of our Society. Given at Ghent, on the 29th of March 
1650. Francis Seclin, Rector of the College; Peter de Bic, 
Prior and member of the Society of Jesus." 

From these few instances it may be perceived how the Jesuits 
proceeded in order to acquire for themselves a rich inherit- 
ance from the dead, or a no less valuable present from the living ; 
and it is hardly necessary for me to add that they especially, on 
tliis account, looked well after wealthy widows. One knows, 
indeed, how much easier it is to deal with that description of 
God's creatures than with njarried women of the same age, or 




with those of the male sex ; consequently, the Superiors selected 
only such memhers of the Society to he Father Confessors 
of widows as seemed most likely to secure the end in view. 
They required to be men of the so-called best age, that is to say, 
not too young, in order to avoid scandal, but also certainly not 
too old ; men of a cheerful, lively temperament, of a strong 
and stately frame, and especially well endowed with the gift of 
eloquence, in order to be able to ingratiate themselves with the 
ladies. They should be not merely Father Confessors, in the 
proper sense of the word, but also, at the same time, bosom 
friends to whom the widows might entrust all their little secrets 
and take counsel in worldly affairs ; with whom, too, they would 
willingly enter into conversation about the news of the day, 
presuming that the pious Fathers take as much interest in the 
state of the bodily condition of their penitents as in the health 
and welfare of their souls. 

Such counsellors ought to have much good fortune with 
widows requiring consolation, and as in the case of sickness 
they never stirred from the bedside, it could not fail that a 
passage in their will in favour of the Order was almost always 
found. Again, when the sons of Loyola keep a particular look- 
out upon rich widows, they by no means, on this account, 
also neglect to obtain from them other information, especially 
interesting themselves in drawing the sons of rich parents into 
their Order. These novices are then at once subjected to a 
strict examination respecting the age and worldly circumstances 
of their father, and not the less questioned as to their blood 
relationship, and as to whether here and there some inheritance 
may not be still expected. The rector thus becomes acquainted 
with all family particulars on these matters, and, making a 
careful note thereof, he confirms the same by information 
derived, in an underhand mode, from other sources. 

One need not have the slightest doubt that in this way the 
Order was accurately apprised respecting the private affairs of 
its members, and that it knew what part to play in the event 
of death taking place. Indeed, the Fathers acted mostly with 
an energy and perseverance which would, in fact, be deserving 
of admiration were it not that their impudenre and interested- 
ness were also apparent, arousing a feeling quite the contrary 
to that of admiration ! 



A couple of instances may make ttiis clear to the reader. The 
Count Carl Zani, son of the Count Johann Zani, at Bologna, 
in Italy, allured by the sons of Loyola, entered into their Society 
in the year 1627, but was required, before he could obtain his 
fathers permission to take this step, to enter into a written bond, 
attested by a notary and witnesses, that as long as he continued 
to be a member of the Jesuit Order he would renounce his whole 
paternal inheritance, and would never at any time make any 
claim to the estates, either for himself or for the Society of 
Jesus. His elder brother, therefore, Count Angelo Zani, in- 
herited after his father's death the whole possessions, and it thus' 
appeared that the sons of Loyola obtained no special advantage 
from the entrance of Carl Zani into their Order. But in the 
year 1639, irnmediately after entering upon his inheritance, ' 
Count Angelo died; not, hpwever, as is supposed, without the 
skilful assistance of a Jesuit physician who treated him. And 
now the sons of Ignatius exploded the long-laid mine. Carl 
Zani hastened to make at once a request to the (General to be 
permitted to resign the Order, in order that, by returning into 
the secular state, he might be enabled to lay claim to the great 
inheritance, and the General did not delay in causing the 
necessary papers to be delivered to him through the Provincial 
Menochio. However, previous to this, he was required to make 
a promise on oath that, after settling the business connected with 
the inheritance, he would again re-enter the Order, and, on this 
account, a bond was laid before him which, literally translated, 
ran as follows : — 

" After that T, Carl Zani, shall now receive from the Society 
oJF Jesus my letter of discharge respecting which I made a peti- 
tion, before the same shall be handed to me by the highly- 
esteemed Father Provincial, Stephan Menochio, I make a vow to 
God, and in his presence, by which I bind myself, on my con- 
science, to his Divine Majesty, that after the receipt of my letter of 
disci large, and as soon as I have brought into order the matters 
on which account I made the request, 1 will address the most 
urgent solicitation to the Superiors, as well as to the Society, 
that I may be again received back into the same, and, indeed, 
at that very time which may be considered to be most right and 
convenient by the most worthy Father Vincenz Maria Bargellini, 
who was assigned to me as my companion for the regulation of 

22 * 






my affairs, considering that I will thus engage to ahide by this 
his reasonable order and judgment, setting aside all scruple, and 
in order, with God's help, to give satisfaction to my vow to 
place at the disposal of the college all that falls to my lot by 

the inheritance." _ , „ • i.^ • j ^i.^ 

After the execution of this bond, Carl Zani obtained the 
nocessarv documents, and at once put off the Jesuit costume, on 
the 2nh November 1639. It was, of course, not difficult for 
him, as next of kin, to enter into possession of the said inherit- 
ance, and now not only was he looked upon as a nch indepen- 
dent cavalier, but he was also beset, on all sides, to enter into the 
state of matrimony, in order to continue the race of Zani, and 
many of the most beautiful ladies were suggested to him. 1 he 
above-mentioned bond, sworn to on oath, now greatly troubled 
him, and he hastened then to Rome, in order to obtain from 
Pope Innocent a release from his vow. The latter, however, 
lent an ear to the Jesuit General, and thus neither money nor 
fair words had any effect upon him. In the meantime Carl 
Zani became dangerously ill, and the Jesuits besieged his 
bedside day and night, as may be well imagined, in order to 
extort from him by pressure a will in their favour. They were 
successful, too, shortly before he breathed his last in obtaining 
such a deed, wherein he bequeathed to them all the posses- 
sions belonging to him; and now, of course, tbey fell upon 
the rich inheritance with great eagerness. But lo, behold . 
the male relations of the deceased produced an ancient family 
statute, according to which Carl Zani had no right whatever to 
dispose testamentarily of the family estates which were an allo- 
dium (that is private property in contradistinction to freehold 
property), and there now at once arose a law-suit, which occupied 
the iudges of the Roman Rota for many years. In the course 
of the law-suit the sons of Loyola persuaded themselves not 
only that they would not succeed in winning the same, but that 
they would be compromised thereby, through their insatiable 
avarice, as well as owing to the peculiar manner in which they 
acquired inheritances ; and, consequently, ihey addressed them- 
selves to Pope Alexander VII., the successor of Innocent X., 
with the most urgent appeal in respect to n so-ralled sign- 
manual of grace. The Pope granted it to them, that is, he 
ordered the counsellors of the Rota to bring the matter to a 

suitable compromise, and thereupon the estates and possessions 
to which it referred were divided into twelve parts, five of 
which the Jesuits obtained, while seven were allotted to the 
rightful heirs. Thus the sons of Loyola swallowed up a part, 
and, indeed, a very large part, out of the estate, although their 
claims were entirely unjust; in addition to this, they had the 
pleasure of having almost entirely ruined the rightful heirs by 
the costs of the law-suit. 

Another not less remarkable inheritance suit came before the 
world at the end of the 16th century in France, under the 
government of Henry III., and likewise ended in favour of 
the Jesuits, although in this instance they were no less in the 
wrong than in the case just related. 

Peter Airault, Criminal Lieutenant at the Presidial Court of 
Angers, possessed an only son, Rene, a lad ol great attainments, 
who had a brilliant future before him from the riches and 
rank of the family, and he placed the lad for the completion 
of his education in a Jesuit college which was very celebrated in 
his eyes from its great advantages in regard to learning. He 
did not, however, take this step without beforehand expressly 
declaring to the good Fathers that he destined his son to be his 
sole successor, and that he therefore wished him to be brought 
in contact with those youths only who were to be devoted to 
secular and not ecclesiastical pursuits. The sons of Loyola 
promised most faithfully and religiously to meet his wishes in 
this respect, and they would have perhaps done so had young 
Rene been merely a poor lad without prospects. But in this 
case it was quite the reverse, as he not only was to inhent, in 
the first place, a large property from his father, but also a rich 
estate belonging to his grandmother had already fallen to him. 
Could, then, the Society of Jesus let such a fat booty slip from 
them ? No, this the pious Fathers could not bring their hearts 
to do, and they gave themselves so much trouble that the long 
and short of it was that, after a three years' residence in .their 
college, the youth confided to their care put on the habit of the 
Order.' The father, on being informed of this, became furious, 
and instantiy appealed to the law court in order to regain his 
son. The Jesuits, however, explained, in justification, that Ren6 
had voluntarily entered the Society, and that now his connection 
with it was indissoluble. The Criminal Lieutenant i-ppealed at 




once to the Parliament of Anjou, and it adjudged the accused to 
deliver up their novice as being detained contrary to law. With 
the judgment in his hand, Peter Airault now hastened to 
Angers, and, supported by an armed force, knocked at the gate 
of the Jesuit college. But what was the answer which was given 
to him ? Young Ueno had flown under cover of night, and no 
one knew what had become of him. The Criminal Lieutenant 
could not believe this, and searched throughout the whole 
college. Still nowhere did he find his son, who was, in fact, 
not forthcoming. He had long before been secretly conveyed, 
for security, into a college in Loraine, thence into Germany, 
and lastly to Italy. The precaution had, moreover, been taken 
to strike out the uame of Kene Airault from the register of the 
college, as one who had disappeared, and to substitute for it 
another unsuspected name, under which the newly -acquired 
member went henceforth. The extraordinary cunning of this 
method of procedure soon showed itself King Henry III., 
urged by the unhappy father, intervened through his ambassador, 
and, appealing to Pope äixtus V., demanded Irom the Holy See 
a mandate in favour of his Criminal Lieutenant. To comply 
with this demandi the eldest son of the Church ordered the 
Jesuit General, Claudio Aquaviva, to lay before him the list of 
the whole of the members of the Order, not omitting even the 
novices. The General obeyed at once, without delay, as he 
knew that it was impossible to find the corpus delicti. So it 
happened, and the Pope as well as the ELing had to be content 
with the answer that no Ben6 Airault could be found among 
the members of the Society of Jesus. In the meantime years 
elapsed, and no trace was discovered of the missing youth. And 
as it nuw became evident to the elder Airault that his son had 
taken part in the Jesuit conspiracy, and must have been privy 
to their intentions, for otherwise he would certainly have taken 
an opportunity of allowing his father to hear from him, at 
least once at all events, he consequently made a will before a 
notary and witnesses, wherein he gave his curse to the son, and 
disinherited him, so far as the laws would permit. Immediately 
thereupon he died, deeply pitied by all who knew him. 

But what took place now ? Hardly had the deceased been 
buried when Bene Airault came upon the scene and demanded 
what was due to him. He made his appearance, uot as a Jesuit, 



but as a civilian, and explained his long absence on the ground 
of his thirst for seeing foreign countries. He could not be 
refused the estate of his grandmother, as it had been up to 
this time administered by the Orphan Court, and with as little 
trouble did he take possession of the immovable estate which 
his father had not the power of alienating from him by his will. 
Scarcely, however, had he obtained possession of his property 
when he declared himself a member of the Society of Jesus, and 
gave over the whole of his newly-acquired inheritance to his 
superiors, as in duty bound, as he had now reassumed his black 
garment, and no Jesuit dare possess any property of his own. 

Thus did the Order of Jesus arrive at its end, and what now 
mattered the j udgment and disdain of the world ? 

A similar instance of sneaking after an inheritance occurred a 
short time alterwards in Flanders, where the Jesuit Grebert, after 
he had, during thirteen years, filled the tolerably important 
position of an ecclesiastical coadjutor, retired for a couple of 
years into the lay condition in order to lay claim, at the expense 
of his brother, to the family patrimony. So again there was a 
question of many years of litigation, which, in the second half 
of the 17 th century, the Knights of the Purgstalle of the 
Biegerburg in Styria carried on with the Society of Jesus. 

But where would this end if I were to enter into this affair, 
and the many dozens of other cases of the same nature ? I 
must be satisfied, however, with the account of one other case, 
namely the great law- suit which the sons of Loyola carried on 
respectmg the considerable lordship of Büren in Westphalia, 
hoping that the reader, from the public exposure of this more 
than wicked afi'air, may obtain a true picture of the proceedings 
of the Jesuits in relation to matters of inheritance. 

In the year 1610, Baron Joachim of Biiren, a good Protestant, 
died, leaving behind an only little son, of course also Protestant, 
of the name of Moritz, over whom his mother, a no less zealous 
Protestant, acted as guardian. Because, however, at that time 
— ^it was previous to the Thirty Years* war — Protestants and 
Catholics for the most part associated quite well together as 
long as they were not hounded on by their clergy, the widow 
Elizabeth had no scruple in selecting as friends also some 
Catholic ladies among the nobility of the neighbourhood, 
especially in tne neighbouring small town of Paderborn, and 


these paid her frequent visits. Of course this could not long 
remain unknown to the Jesuits, who had at that period just 
settled in Paderborn ; and while they at the same time 
learned that the widow possessed more good nature than 
understanding, they at once concocted a plan to convert 
young Moritz von Büren, with his mother, to the Catholic 
Church, in order to incorporate with their possessions the two- 
fold inheritance, especially the beautiful lordship of Büren. 
This was indeed a bold undertaking ; but the sons of Loyola 
had one among them, in Paderborn, ^who was popular with 
everyone on account of his softness of manners and subtlety 
in social intercourse, more especially in everything which might 
ingratiate him among women ; and consequeutly they hoped 
through him to overcome all difficulties. In fact, Father Fried- 
rich Eoerich, the name of this individual, immediately set to 
work with the greatest zeal in the prosecution of his task, and 
having been introduced by the above-mentioned ladies to Frau 
Elizabeth von Büren, he very soon succeeded in gaining the 
confidence of the latter. After he had now established himself 
as house friend and adviser in worldly matters, he did not desist 
until he had also advanced to the rank of spiritual adviser, 
and the long and the short of it was that, after three years 
of unremitting exertion, he enjoyed the satisfaction of seeing 
the widow von Büren publicly go over into the only saving 

This took place at the end of the year 1613, and the natural 
consequence was that the education of young Moritz was at 
once placed entirely in the hands of the sons of Loyola ; for how 
could a convert who required to show some zeal for the new 
religion act otherwise? The result was that the now nine-year- 
old boy was first placed in the Jesuit college of Paderborn, 
where he remained until the year 1617, at which time his mother 
married for a second time, with the High Bailifi* William 
of Westphalia. Thereupon he was taken to the celebrated 
Jesuit institute at Cologne, where he was so manipulated, and 
his mind, inclined to extravagant ideas, was so worked upon 
with endless skill, that on attaining the age of seventeen he 
wished to forego the seductions of this sinful world, and to 
enter at once as a novice with the sons of Loyola. The latter 
believed that both his mother and stepfather would gladly say Yes, 



"but they were mistaken. On the contrary, both patents earnestly 
expressed their opinion that the youth should, first of all, look a 
little about him in the world, that he should be sent on his 
travels to the various capitals and courts of the globe, as then 
was the custom, and by a prolonged residence in them become 
acquainted with the manners of the times. The Jesuits con- 
sented to this, as they did not wish to run counter to the power- 
ful High Bailifi!, and Moritz commenced his educational travels 
at once, in the year 1621, with their approval. They contrived, 
however, that a certain Balthasar Bonninghausen, a young man 
who had been brought up by them in their principles, and was 
entirely devoted to their interests, should accompany him as 
tutor and marshal, and by this means they always were en- 
abled to obtain minute particulars of every step and proceeding 
of their former pupil. 

I will not enter upon a description of all the adventures and 
travels of the young von Büren, but only remark that, after a 
prolonged residence in France and Spain, he went to Italy in 
order to visit Eternal Rome. Scarcely, however, had he arrived 
there than he deemed it most important to have himself pre- 
sented to the Pope, and, above everything, to pay his humble 
respects to the Jesuit General Mutius Vitelleschi. He was not, 
however, satisfied with making the latter a respectful visit, but 
he declared to the General that it was his intention to enter into 
his Order as soon as it was possible for him to do so, and the 
great man saw at a glance that the youth was entirely in earnest 
as to this. The General, however, did not at once pounce upon . 
him, but rather advised him to delay for a little carrying out his 
pious intention, and in the meanwhile to prepare himself quietly 
for taking so great a step, as such things ought to be well 
considered beforehand. The advice sounded quite fatherly to 
von Büren, and was accepted also by him ; but the motives 
which induced the General so to act were of a very different 
character. Young Moritz was now only in his nineteenth year, 
and as he was still a minor he had not, as yet, any valid power 
of disposal over his lordship of Büren ; nor had he, during the 
lifetime of his mother, those estates at his command, which he 
would only inherit at her death ; and the General thus contem- 
plated nothing else, by his advice, than to induce von Büren 
not to enter the Society of Jesus previous to his mother's death^ 



or before he was of age. Of course, it was not for the sake 
of obtaining the amiable person of von Büren for the Society of 
Jesus — as an historian expresses it — but, on the contrary, only 
in order to get possession of his great landed estates and pro- 
perties ! After von Büren had returned home from his travels, 
he was urged by his mother and stepfather, with all their might, 
to take unto himself a spouse, as he had no legitimate successor, 
and the beautiful lordship must in this case go to a collateral 
relative; but upon this point the youth showed himself to be 
inexorable. He could not marry, because he had secretly taken 
an oath that he would later on belong to the Order, and his 
Father Confessor thought it well to remind him of the eternal 
punishment in hell, which every perjured person of any descrip- 
tion irrevocably obtains. On another point, on the contrary, he 
complied with the wish of his mother, namely, that he should 
select some secular field of employment, and felt himself much 
flattered when the Emperor Ferdinand 11., through the eüorts 
of the Jesuits, nominated him in October 16^9 to the oihce 
of President of the Imperial Supreme Court of Judicature. 
He entered, at the same time, upon the control of his lordship, 
although to a limited degree, as his mother, so long as she 
lived, was entitled to draw a certain income therefrom. 

But, at length, this came to an end, as the death of Frau 
Elizabeth took place in the year 1632, and now the sons of 
Loyola urged him earnestly either to enter into their Order at 
once or, at least, to make a will in their favour. Moritz von 
Büren promised to do both, only he begged to be allowed some 
respite, in order that he might previously have an opportunity of 
making an explanation to his stepfather and sisters, who had 
claims on a certain portion of the revenues. Thus year alter 
year went past, and on this account they became more and more 
impatient. They now raised another storm against him in the 
year 1640, and he then was prevailed upon to execute a will on 
the 2lst of April of the same year, by which he beq^ueathed the 
whole of his possessions, without exception, to the Society of 
Jesus, with the object that after his deatb a college should be 
erected in Büren. He also nominated the Bishops of Müuster 
and Paderborn, as well as the Emperor himself, to be executors 
of this his will, and accordingly the sons of Loyola believed that 
any possibiUiy of its being upset had now been extinguished. 



Moreover, in order to make the matter even more certain, 
they persuaded their faithful pupil, some years afterwards, 
to enter formally into the Order; this happened in April 
1 644, and they now hoped to be able to levy an embargo on 
these great possessions, even during his lifetime, and they did 
this at once, although with the foresight of leaving to von Büren 
^the appearance of still having the eujoyment of the same. In 
truth, however, he was merely administrator, being so completely 
under the supervision of the Superiors that he dare not do the 
shghtest thiug without them, and the whole of this juggling had 
no other object than to throw dust into the eyes of the world. 
Taking into account their avidity of all sorts, it would not have 
been wise, indeed, if the sons of Loyola had contented them- 
selves with a simple seizure of the lordship ; they acted, how- 
ever, discreetly in preparing people gradually, and especially the 
relations of the Büren race, for the great stroke which was 
to follow, as it might be hoped that the latter would thereby 
become the more easily reconciled to the unavoidable. They 
succeeded for a time in the deception, but only for a time. As, 
after some years, the High Bailiff, William of Westphalia, 
who was a good Catholic, indeed, but, at the same time,'' a 
most haughty nobleman, came to a knowledge of the secret, 
feeling himself most deeply aggrieved at the Jesuitical intrigues, 
he at once, with all the energy at his command, urged his step- 
son not only to annul the said will, but also to return iüto 
the world and bid an eternal farewell to the Jesuits. At the 
same time he represented to him how much his sisters and other 
relations would be injured by this donation of the Büren lord- 
ship to the sons of Loyola, and how the sisters, as well as him- 
self, were fully justified in claiming, on this account, the 
protection of the law, so that by the persistent refusal of Moritz 
to lay aside the Jesuit habit it would become necessary for them 
to institute a law-suit, which, prosecuted between near relatives, 
must give rise to much vexation and scandal in the world. 

However, he might preach as much as he could, the step- 
sisters might pray as incessantly and as long as they were able, 
Moritz von Büren remained obstinate, and neither gave to his 
stepfather any motive founded on reason, nor yielded one iota to 
his sisters' tears. Consequently the threatened law-suit now 
commenced, and the High Bailiff was justified when he called 



att<3ntiün to tfie scalidal that would be occasioned thereby oil 
such things coming to light, as must necessarily fill the world 
with disgust and abhorrence. 

•Indeed, the sons of Loyola showed thereby such a detestable 
and violent desire for thieving, that the Bishop of Paderborn, Diet- 
rich Adolphus von Reck, in whose diocese the lordship of Büren 
was situated, saw himself necessitated to occupy the same with 
troops in August 1657, and this sequestration continued fully 
three years, until at length the Emperor Leopold I. induced 
him to evacuate it in the year 1660. 

The year following, Father Moritz, as Von Büren had been 
called since 1644, died, without, however, having seen the end 
of the great^law-suit. The same lasted, on the contrary, seven- 
Äud-thirty years, as it only ended, indeed, in a compromise, in 
the year 1698, according to which the sons of Loyola retained 
the stolen inheritance, paying the then very considerable sum of 
45,000 gold dollars out of it. 

From what has now been related, the reader will have been 
thoroughly convinced respecting the eminent talent which the 
Jesuits displayed in inheritance-hunting ; with this talent, how- 
ever, they conjoined shamelessncss, which went as far even as 
baseness, and this, also, will best be made' apparent by some 
examples. Count de Marie, formerly Equerry of the Prince de 
Conde, had an only son, and placed him in the Jesuit educa- 
tional establishment of St. Acheul, in order to have him there 
■ educated. The pious Fathers became acquain ted, through the 
son, regarding the particular circumstances of the father, and as 
they ascertained that he would have a very large inheritance to 
i leave behind him, they determined to win over this said only 
' ojffspring for their Order. This was, however, not such an easy 
Ibusiness, as the young de Marie was of a very jovial nature, 
*nd would hear nothing at all about entering into the ecclesias- 
tical state. On the contrary, he threatened the Superiors of 
the said ecclesiastical institution, that if they pestered him any 
more with any such proposals he would run away and make his 
father acquainted with everything about it. Thereupon, the 
sly Fathers suddenly changed their tactics, and afforded the 
sprightly youth so many opportunities for frivolous amuse- 
ments, that the same would have been a more than steady man 
if he had allowed those opportunities to pass by without making 



use of them. The more, however, that the son transgressed, thö 
more they wrote lamentable letters respecting him to his father ;; 
so much so, that the latter became quite inconsolable. 

It was now arranged between the father and the rector of the- 
institution that the young scapegrace should be transferred 
from St. Acheul to the Jesuit seminary in Bordeaux, with the 
hope that perhaps a change of teachers and fellow-scholars 
would be beneficial; but, unfortunately, there was still no 
improvement, according to the reports of the principal of" 
the seminary, at least, and the poor deluded father received no 
other information. Indeed, they took care to prevent the son 
from writing, and when he, at any time, ever did so, it was a 
letter dictated by the principal, or, at all events, corrected by 
him. As, however, the young de Marie became no- better in 
Bordeaux, he was conveyed, as a last resource, to Forcalquier, 
and the father wrote to him that he would withdraw all interest 
in him if he ever again heard bad news about him. The son, 
deeply affected, firmly resolved to be foolish no longer, and pro- 
secuted his studies for some time. This, however, did not at 
all suit the taste of the sons of Loyola, and they consequently 
contrived to bring the youth into connection with a companion 
who might again awaken in him the old inclination for folly. 
Of course, the reports sent to the old Count became bad again, 
indeed, worse than ever, and thereby his grief and anger reached 
to the highest degree. In this frame of mind, induced to do so 
by the Rector of the seminary at St. Acheul, he wrote such a 
reproving letter to the son, that the latter, in a state of despera- 
tion, made his escape from Forcalquier and betook himself to 
the wide world. 

The pious Fathers had now brought the matter to the pitch 
it was intended from the commencement; whereupon the in- 
consolable father at once resolved to sell all his estates, as far 
as he could do so, and to take refuge, with this dowry, among 
the Jesuits, in order to die happy in their pious company. No- 
thing more was heard of the son, and it is probable that the 
pious Fathers prepared a speedy death for him. 

Almost more disgraceful, even, is the following story. Among 
the countries into which the sons of Loyola frequently en- 
deavoured to penetrate, although without bringing about, at 
once, any particular result, was especially European Turkey, 



and Father Sarot, among others, gave himself trouble quite 
beyond the common to make proselytes among the Greek 
Christians in Roumelia. His object appeared, however, to be 
much less for the welfare of their souls than for looking after 
their property, as he attached himself at once merely to the rich, 
and he favoured, above all, with his exhortations, well- endowed 

To the latter class belonged a certain Sophia Nara, a woman 
who possessed in gold and valuables more than forty purses, that 
is about 30,000 florins, and Sarot, who had soon discovered this, 
did not desist until the good Sophia went over to Catholicism 
from the heretical sect of Armenians to which she had belonged, 
and at the same time consigned her whole property to the 
Society of Jesus, in consideration of the promise that she should 
be bountifully cared for during the rest of her life. This was a 
good stroke of fortune, as the woman was no longer young, and, 
besides, soon became sick, which encouraged a hope that the 
pension would not long have to be paid. But Sarot had reckoned, 
as is said, without his host, and during the next two years the 
lady advanced not a single step nearer the grave. He now, how- 
ever, began to be more close, and denied her, indeed, about half 
the allowance she had previously enjoyed, as she had evidently 
fallen into a long tedious sickness ; her nephews, to whom the 
woman at once turned, would have nothing more to do with 
her, after she had made it known that she had sunk all her 
goods and chattels with the Jesuits. Thus, the condition of the 
poor Sophia became always more unbearable, and as she was now 
confined to her one solitary room, which she could no longer 
leave on account of weakness, she was nearly ont of her senses 
with despair. Once more she applied to her nephews, and once 
more received for answer that she should look for support to 
those to whom she had assigned her property. The deplorable 
creature now collected together all her strength, and crawled 
into the street. Here, falling down, she was raised up by some 
compassionate soul, and conveyed in a carriage before the house 
of her relative. They knocked at the door, and begged for com- 
passion for her. At first the nephews were deaf to all entreaties, 
but at last they opened the door and admitted htr. The aunt 
related everything — how she had been treated from the first up 
to the present time, how they had at the commencement allured 



her with flattering speeches, and how latterly they had given 
her kicks. All were filled with pity for her, and were enraged 
at the vile conduct of the sons of Loyola. 

The Armenian Patriarch, at that time present, was made 
acquainted with all the details of the transaction. The woman 
acceded with joy to his admonition to return into the Arme- 
nian Church, and, after this was accomplished the Patriarch 
promised to use all his influence in order to recover the pro- 
perty which had been given away. The Prince of the Church 
kept his promise, and made a complaint to the Pasha. The 
Pasha was no less resolute, as he caused Father Sarot to be 
fetched, and ordered him, with the alternative of having his ears 
cut ofl*, to give back the whole of the donation. The Father, 
however, affirmed that he had received only four, instead of 
forty, purses, and swore to this falsehood on the cross of Christ. 
Herewith content, the Pasha allowed him to go at liberty, and 
the Father rejoiced, internally, that he had, at all events, saved 
thirty-six purses. Immediately thereupon he found it well to 
vanish during the darkness of the night, as he learnt that the 
nephews were not satisfied with the decision of the Pasha, but had 
taken the trouble to collect facts by which the true condition of 
their aunt's property, and also the perjury of Father Sarot, could 
be proved. He found it well to disappear, said I ; but, as to 
this, I mean merely out of Roumelia, not out of the world, for a 
short time afterwards he turned up in Italy, and the General 
rewarded him for his excellent service with a situation of Rector. 
But enough of this! Enough, for it would only disgust most 
readers to listen to further proofs of the shamelessness of the 
sons of Lovola as to inheritance-hunting. Involuntarily the 
other question comes up for consideration, whether all the Jesuits 
thought and acted alike. One might be of opinion that it 
was a sheer impossibility that, in a Society numbering so many 
members, who in part, at least, were highly gifted— that, I say, 
in such a Society there should not exist some brethren who 
would be ashamed of such a vile transaction as that of notorious 
inheritance-hunting. One might be of such an opinion, and I 
believe rightly so, but what does that matter? The Superiors 
of the Society, and especially the General in Rome, knew every 
member perfectly, while annually the most detailed spying reports 
must necessarily be forwarded, and consequently they were 





aware exactly for what position this oae or that one was best 
suited. Is it to be believed, however, that one who, in the matter 
of inheritance-hunting, thought even but a little un-Jesuitically, 
would be appointed to be Father Confessor, and, indeed, Father 
Confessor to a rich widow ? Suppose this to be the case, how- 
ever, had the mistake been made at any time of an unsuitable 
person being assigned as Father Confessor to this or that high 
personage, would not this error be at once rectified by the sub- 
stitution of a fit and proper successor? The Superior retained 
the full right of disposal over the members, and notoriously made 
the most unlimited use of this right. To obey was the duty of 
every one of them, as otherwise punishment was certain, and the 
result most disagreeable. Suppose, however, the most extreme 
case, namely, that a member had contrived to deceive all his 
brethren as to his true character, and had made use of his posi- 
tion of Father Confessor to restrain his confessant from making 
a will in favour of the Order, or even had not encouraged him to 
do so ; suppose such a case, what would be the consequences ? 

The instance of Father Zimenes gives us the best reply. He 
was Father Confessor to a rich widow of Madrid, and as she 
lay on her death-bed, in the year 1633, made her will ; he did not 
use all his influence with her to bequeath her means to the 
Order, but, on the contrary, admonished her to leave it to her 
rightful heir. So the widow did, indeed, and more than that, 
she confessed immediately before death to her relatives the noble 
conduct of the Father ; from these relatives, however, the Jesuits 
at third hand learned this, and four weeks afterwards the worthy. 
Zimenes was no longer among the living. He died in the 
profess-house in Madrid of a sudden attack of henrt disease, as 
his fellow members aflBrmed ; he was, in truth, however, as most 
clearly came out on the subsequent expulsion of the sous of 
Loyola, condemned to death by his Superiors, aud slowlv killed 
by the deprivation of all food and drink. He ought to serve as 
a warning to his fellow members ; and this has certainly been 
the case, as no one ever afterwards heard that a Jesuit had 
advised anyone not to bequeath his property to the Society 
of Jesus. On the contrary, they proved themselves in this 
respect, almost without exception, so zealous and expert, 
that no other Order can be at all compared with them in this 
particular; and an author of the last century gave them, on that 

account, the characteristic nickname of " Legacy hunters par 

I must not, however, conceal on this occasion that several 
booties escaped them from the fervour of their zeal. As best 
proof that it is wiser in all things to be content with moderation 
rather than to covet everything, I allow myself to confirm this 
by a couple of examples. 

In Brussels there lived at the beginning of the 17th century a 
couple of rich relatives — a brother and sister — quite pleasantly 
and in perfect accord with each other, although the sister was a 
little over-pious, while the brother entertained rather free views 
in regard to matters of religion. They were neither of them 
any longer young, and there could be no question of marriage 
either in the one case or the other ; on the other hand, there 
was no lack of other sources of enjoyment, and the brother took 
especial trouble in visiting every year for a couple of months 
foreign lands and cities. On one occasion the latter set oflf 
again on such a journey, and as he contemplated remaining 
away for a lengthened time, he previously made his will, in 
which he designated his sister as his sole heiress ; not that there 
was any thought about dying, but merely to be prepared for all 
contingencies, as a matter of duty. It appeared, however, that 
the brother remained away much longer than he had any inten- 
tion of doing, and as he did not during the whole of this time 
allow a single word to be heard from him, the sister began to 
have foreboding of something being amiss. She was strengthened 
in this foreboding by her Confessor, a worthy Father belonging 
to the Society of Jesus, who looked already upon the death of 
the brother as certain, and built joyful hopes upon it. Upon 
her entreaty, moreover, he promised, in order that she should ' 
not be any longer vexed with uncertainty, to cause information 
to be obtained through his fellow members, who had their places 
of residence all over the world, and on this account she told 
him everything that she knew as to the aim and object of her 
brother's journey. It now occurred that she herself became 
sick shortly thereupon, and the Jesuit urged her most earnestly 
to make a will in favour of his Order. Sh« hesitated for a 
long time, as her brother, whom she had promised to institute 
as heir in the event of her death, might possibly be still alive. 
The Confessor now suddenly brought a document, prepared by 




the rector and coadjutor of some distant college, and in this 
document it stood in black and white that the brother had died 
on such and such a day, and even the complaint from which he 
had suffered was mentioned. Of course there was now no 
longer any doubt about his death, and in consequence thereof, 
the Jesuit continued his urgent solicitations in regard to the will 
that he demanded. At length the pious devotee bequeathed to 
the Order not only her own property, but that also belonging to 
her brother, as upon this she had testamentary claims. Now, 
who could rejoice more than the worthy Society of Jesus? But 
lo and behold ! She suddenly recovered again, although dready 
being looked upon as lost, and, what was still worse, the brother, 
supposed to be dead, turned up again safe and sound. He had, 
sure enough, got through a severe illness, but in quite a diffe- 
rent town from where the sons of Loyola had made him out as 
dead, and now it became as clear as daylight that the attested 
document had been a mean and lying invention. Consequently 
the Jesuit Confessor was at once dismissed, and, besides, the 
sister then made a new will, in which the former one was com- 
pletely cancelled, so that the Jesuits were frustrated for this 
time at least. 

Another still more pleasant story, wherein it happened that 
the sons of Loyola had deceived themselves about an inheritance 
of which they had already made quite sure, had Metz for its 
playground during the second half of the l7th century. The 
Jesuits had there persuaded a very rich man, as he came to die, 
that his soul would only suffer torture for ten thousand years in 
Purgatory, if they had ten thousand masses for the welfare of 
his soul, that is, a thousand a year for ten years, and the dying 
man not only believed this, but provided in his will that his 
sons should pay ten gold dollars for each mass, so that the heirs 
had to disburse annually an expenditure of ten thousand gold 
dollars for ten years. This now seemed to them to be a very 
dear ransom from the flames of Purgatory, and they consulted 
over the matter with their counsel, an extremely sagacious man, 
as to whether there was any way of remedying the matter. The 
will was, however, quite legally drawn up, and could not be dis- 
puted. Thus far, then, there appeared that nothing could be 
dune, and they already were willing to submit to their fate, when 
a most cunning expedient occurred to the advocate. " How would 



it>, thought he, "if we brought forward an attestation from 
the Pope that the soul of the testator had been already released 
from Purgatory ? Such an attestation ought to 'be obtainable 
for a moderate sum of money, and then soul masses would no 
longer be required for the release of the soul of the deceased. This 
being the case, the obligation for the payment would also cease, 
and I will now undertake that the sons of Loyola obtain 
for damages naught but ridicule." Thus did the man learned 
m the law reckon, and, in due course, he put himself in 
close communication with a Minorite brother, a crafty fellow 
of a monk. The latter, who, besides, was a thorough enemy 
of the Jesuits on account of their arrogance, undertook the 
commission with the utmost joy, and set off for Kome in the 
greatest haste, well provided with money and recommendations.' 
Of course he publicly gave out quite a different ground for the 
object of his journey, and the other participators in the matter 
preserved perfect silence as to the design, in order, that the son» 
of Loyola might not have their attention called to the affair, and 
prevent its accomplishment. The Minorite arrived in Rome all 
safe and sound, and, as before said, possessing a proper degree 
of understanding, he immediately made appUcation in the right 
direction and quickly succeeded in obtaining the testimonial he 
desired, for less than one thousand dollars. As soon, however, as 
he got this in his pocket he hastened back to Metz with a very 
contented mind, and handed the same over to the heirs, who richly 
rewarded him for it. In the meantime, the sons of Loyola were 
not idle in reading masses for the soul of the deceased, and, 
after the first quarter of a year had elapsed, they presented their 
first account for two thousand five hundred dollars. How, 
indeed, were they now startled when they received a reply quite 
seriously that the soul of the testator had already been released 
from Purgatory, and that as there had thus been no occasion to 
read the masses, the money must be refused. " This is, indeed, 
quite a foolish answer, which savours of the mad-house," exclaimed 
the Jesuits to the heirs ; but the latter held to it, and left the 
sons of Loyola to proceed as it pleased them. The advocate, 
indeed, declared that he was ready to produce proof of the truth 
of their assertion. It came now, of course, to a law-suit, and 
the Jesuits rested in the firm conviction that they must gain it 
simply upon the passage in the will referred to. As, however, 

28 • 



the man learaed in the law pulled the testimonial of the Holy 
See out of his pocket and laid it before the Court, all self- 
possession disappeared from their faces, and they acknowledged 
themselves to have been outwitted. They renounced, conse- 
quently, all further legal proceedings, and at the same time, also, 
all money claims, upon the advocate, however, on the other 
hand, who had adopted this cunning measure, and upon the 
Minorite monk, who acted as the mediator, they visited such 
intense irreconcilable hatred that they never rested until both of 
them quitted the town, and never more returned thereto. 

A still more unpleasant business, connected with a buc- 
cession, happened at that time to the sons of Loyola in 
Naples, when the Duke of Ossuna reigned there as Viceroy. A 
very rich merchant had bequeathed to them his whole property, 
under the condition that an only son, who was very young at the 
time of his death, entered into their Order; however, when 
interrogated, in his eighteenth year, as to whether it would be his 
wish to remain in the world, should the lad refuse to become a 
Jesuit, they should then be bound to pay over his patrimony 
to him, which amounted to more than a hundred thousand 
ducats, and they might, in that case, only retain, as a compensa- 
tion, what had been expended by them for his education, 
Christianly and economically reckoned. This was a very indefi- 
nite passage, out of which, at a pinch, anything might be twisted 
that was liked, and the Jesuits at once made up their minds, at 
any rate, to turn it to their own advantage. Therefore, when 
the young man, in his eighteenth year, declared his intention 
to remain in the worid, they gave thenreelvfes no particular 
trouble to keep him back from doing so, but allowed him rather 
to withdraw conspicuously and without any difficulty; as he 
then, however, desired to have his property delivered up to him, 
they intimated that it would be liberal on their part if they gave 
him back as much as ten thousand ducats, as, on the supposition 
that he would remain with them, they had already expended 
everything in benevolent objects. Upoo this the youth declared 
liimself not to be at all satisfied, and, on the other hand, put in 
a demand for eighty thousand ducats, as it was certainly more 
than enough if he allowed them twenty thousand on account of 
his education. Thus the two parties contended with the utmost 
vivacity about the matter, and the Jesuits especially showed not 



the least desire to abate even one iota of their claim. In order 
to put an end to the matter as soon as possible, the youth, by 
the advice of his friends, addressed himself to the Viceroy (the 
Duke of Ossuna), who caused the accuser, as well as the accused, 
to come before him, asking each of them as to how far he went 
in his demand, and how much he was inclined voluntarily to 
abandon ? The youth declared that as a last resource he would 
be contented with seventy thousand ducats ; the Jesuits, how- 
ever, obstinately persisted that they would not be able to pay 
more than ten thousand. " Good, then," said the Viceroy now 
to the sons of Loyola; "you can demand what you consider 
reasonable and Christianlike. I ask you, then, this: Is it a 
Christian principle that one should do to one's neighbour as one 
would wish to be done by ? " " So teaches the Holy Scrip- 
tures," answered the disciples of Ignatius. "Then," decided 
the Viceroy, " act accordingly ; that is to say, give to the 
youth the ninety thousand ducats which you retained for your- 
selves, and take the ten thousand which you were prepared to 
pay." This decision held good, in spite of all the machinations 
of the sons of Loyola, and everyone praised the Duke, as well 
for his Solomon-like wisdom, as on account of the characteristic 
behaviour which he had brought to light. Thus, sometimes, 
the sons of Loyola came off" badly; in general, however, they 
contrived to hold uncommonly fast to what had been testa- 
mentarily promised them, and the world would be astonished if 
one put upon paper all the particulars as to the whole of the 
sums obtained by them through legacy-hunting. 







There is much material for this chapter, and one would almost 
be inclined to the opinion that the sons of Loyola liked nothing 
better than to busy themselves with stealing and robbing. One 
comes much more quickly and easily into possession of anything 
in this way than by honest gain and the industry of the hands — 
why not, therefore, acquire riches thus? In order^ however, 
to give the reader a very clear insight into those villainous 
practices I will begin with " Cheating in a small way,*' then go 
on to regular " Theft," and, lastly, conclude with " Robbery on a 
large scale." But, in all these three specialities, villainy shall only 
be so far especially brought to notice as may be necessary to 
give a correct picture of the Order of Jesus, the object I have' 
in hand, and I will not go to work with the Chronique Scan- 
daleuse in my hand. 

A most common practice among the sons of Loyola was to 
solicit a present from rich parents who desired the reception of 
their sons into the novitiate of their Order, and, indeed, such a 
present as corresponded to the property to which the young man 
would one day be entitled. One might, therefore, regard such 
presents as a kind of *' dotal gift,'* or, still better, a " gift in ' 
anticipation of the future inheritance," and upon this the sons 
of Loyola founded their right to demand the same. Besides, 
added they, is not a person taken care of for life as member of 
their Society, and therefore may one not sacrifice a bit of money 


for it ? In short, they knew how to get over, in this way, most 
cunningly, without deriving any hurt therefrom, the publicly 
expressed statute by which they were bound to impart all in- 
struction gratis, and the sums of money which they earned in 
this manner were by no means inconsiderable. Still, matters 
did not end here, seeing they dismissed very many of these 
youths after a short time as unsuitable, retaining, however, for 
themselves the dotal gift. Indeed, they were aware that not a 
few of those were unfit, and that they could not be made any 
use of, owing to their want of talent ; their sole object, therefore, 
in receiving them into the novitiate was to be able to possess 
themselves of what was paid on admission ! The proofs of 
these deceitful dealings might be brought to light by hundreds 
and hundreds ; it is suflBcient, however, to refer to one instance 
alone, which is remarkable in this respect, that a father con- 
trived, in a most original way, to get back the entrance money 
which had been paid for his son. 

A very wealthy smith, settled in the neighbourhood of Milan, 
wished to participate in the honour of seeing his son among the 
Jesuits, and offered the rector of the college in the aforesaid 
capital the tolerably large sum, in ready money, of 2,000 ducats 
in the event of the latter meeting his wishes. The rector 
laughed in his sleeve, as the youth was a very strong, square- 
built churi, being at the same time such a queer fellow that it 
would not be possible to mould him into an ordinary monk, and 
still less into a Jesuit. Nevertheless, the rector assented with 
pleasure, slid the 2,000 ducats into his pocket, and enveloped 
the youth in a novice's habit. All went on well now, during a 
couple of weeks, and the son of Loyola in embryo was treated 
in a way as that nothing better could be desired. In course 
of time, however, they ceased to consider him as a stranger, 
and their teasing, chicanery, and maltreatment overstepped all 
bounds. They plainly wished to carry on so far with the 
fellow that he should take flight from the house of probation, 
for then the Jesuits could wash their hands in innocency. 
Because, however, the poor tormented fellow, fearing the wrath 
of his father, endured all without a murmur, the pious Fathers 
then lost all patience, and at length chased their pupil away 
without further ado, while they gave him no more than five 
dollars for sustenance on the way. The anger of the smith 



may be well imagined, when his son came hack to him, and the 
latter had to suffer much at ßrst from the circumstance of his 
return. The father soon, however, perceived that the fault lay 
entirely with the sons of Loyola, and he not only at once de- 
manded the return of his 2,000 ducats, but, as his request was 
refused, he proceeded to lodge a complaint in the law courts. 
But what did this complaint matter ? The sons of Loyola 
proved that the smith had given the 2,000 ducats to them " as 
a present," and, as one could not be compelled to return dona- 
tions, so was the complainant put to silence. 

In the regular legal way there was, then, nothing to be done, 
but the smith now hit upon an extraordinary plan of proceeding, 
and this brought about his object. He caused a regular Jesuit's 
dress to be made for his son, and thus clad he was obliged to 
work in the smithy, to flog the horses in the streets, and to go 
on all errands that were required. This peculiar spectacle 
attracted a number of inquisitive loafers, as the Jesuit pupil was 
observed by everyone at the anvil, and soon nothing else was 
talked about in the whole neighbourhood than this affair. 
People not only chatted about it, however, but also railed and 
jeered uncommonly, and the honour of the sons of Loyola began 
to suff'er considerably. They at once complained respecting the 
abuse of their Jesuit costume; but the legal authorities gave' 
it as their opinion that the young smith had a right to the 
said costume, as he actually had been received as a Jesuit 
novice ; and now the insults and jeers increased more than ever. 
In short, at last there remained nothing else for the sons of 
Loyola to do but to terminate the scandal by putting the best 
face on the matter, and returning the 2,000 ducats to the smith ; 
and thus the latter attained his end by .means of his original 

There was another custom among the sons of Loyola, accord- 
ing to direction to borrow from rich persons well disposed 
towards the Order, under the pretext of great poverty and on 
account of the colleges or seminaries, smaller or larger sums of 
money, and, if demanded, to give written bills of obligation, the 
repayment of which they put off" as much as possible If, then, 
the creditor should later on contract some illness which brought 
him near to death, they were wont to visit him unceasingly, and 
continue to put pressure upon him until he should hand over 



to them the note of hand they had given him, which was the 
same thing as giving them a present of the money lent. In 
this way the Society of Jesus acquired much riches. More 
than this, they borrowed^ sums of money wherever they could 
without giving in acknowledgment any note of hand for the 
same. In order to carry on this game eflFectually the Fathers 
put on an appearance of the greatest honesty and candour, and 
conducted themselves in such a way as if the word " deceit " 
were quite opposite to their character; so how could a pious 
soul, from whom they had borrowed money for a holy object, 
think so meanly of them as to require a note of hand as 
security ? No ; the mere word of such distinguished men was 
quite sufficient, and anything more would have been an insult to 
religion itself. 

What did the sons of Loyola do, however, when, as was often 
the case, they succeeded in obtaining a loan in this way ? Did 
they keep to their word, and pay back the loan honourably and 
honestly ? God forbid ! but, in nine cases out of ten, they 
denied having incurred the debt, and by perjury released them- 
selves from repaying it. Certes! a very convenient way of 
obtaining money, although they repudiated the idea of theft. 
** But," said the sons of Loyola, ** only fools would have so 
inelastic a conscience as to shrink from doing such a trifle as 
that ! *' Of course, moreover, it. would be inadmissible for me 
to make so startling an accusation against the Society of Jesus 
without having the required proofs in my hands. 

In the town of Orleans a Mademoiselle Vinet, before her death, 
had presented to her maid, who had served her during many 
years, a considerable sum in Louis d'or, along with a valuable 
collection of old gold coins ; and this took place in the presence 
of her coufessor. Father Director. The latter now offered to the 
maid to deposit the money for her at very good interest, as also 
to hand over to an amateur with whom he was acquainted the 
gold coins, in order that they should be properly valued ; and 
the maid, greatly pleased at such an offer, at once gave him over 
her whole treasure. As regards a receipt for the same from the 
holy Father, it was out of the question, and never entered into 
the head of the maid to demand one, as she was fearful of com- 
mitting sin by not putting the fullest confidence in such a 
respectable gentleman as was the Father. Some time after this 



Mademoiselle Vinet died, and as the maid, Alice by name, wished 
to enter into the state of matrimony, she asked the Father, at 
the request of her lover how much had been realised from the sale 
of the gold coins, and where he had deposited the whole of the 
money. " Gold coins," replied the Father, " thou deceivest thy- 
self, my daughter ; there were none such, but merely copper ones 
of little value, and as for the remaining money, thou canst have 
that any day, altogether about a thousand francs." The maid 
was astounded, as her deceased mistress had told her that the 
total value amounted to twenty thousand livres, or francs. But 
the Father stuck to his assertion, and became most indignant 
when the lover of Alice would not be contented with the thousand 
francs. The advice of an advocate was now taken, and re- 
course had to the law. But the Jesuits, who to a man sided 
with their fellow brother, at once adopted a lofty tone, and 
entered a complaint of gros^ calumny. Consequently, Alice 
and her betrothed were at length compelled to pray for forgive- 
ness, and publicly to confess that they had falsely accused 
Father Director of fraud. 

It went better with the Capucin Timotheus de la Flute, who 
acted for many years as agent, correspondent, and courier for 
Father Le Tellier, the ill-famed Father Confessor of Louis XIV., 
during his strife with the Jansenists. After the said Capucin had 
become Bishop of Berith, in the year 1739, he demanded of the 
Jesuits of Tours the return of the sum of 130,000 livres, which 
he had handed over to them for safe keeping; the sons of 
Loyola, however, denied ever having received a single sou from 
him, and he could not produce proof to the contrary, as he had 
been foolish enough not to have made sure by a note of hund of 
any description. With dismay he took to entreaty, and humili 
ated himself, even to tears ; but the worthy Fathers remained 
obdurate, and declared they would make a complaint ngainst 
him if he pestered them any more. At last, in his rage, he 
threatened to expose all the intrigues and wicked manoeuvres to 
which he had been subjected by order of the Father Confessor 
Le Tellier, and he already, indeed, began to entertain the idea 
of making the party of the Jansenists acquainted with every- 
thing, when Le Tellier interfered just in time, and constrained 
his fellow- members to yield. 

Timotheus de la Flute thus obtained his money back again, 



but in thirteen yearly instalments, and, besides, without any 
interest, so that the Fathers still always derived some profit. 
* At the beginning of the 18th century the Jesuits played a 
great game at Li6ge, and most of the widows and elderly un- 
married ladies wished to have only them as Father Confessors. 
Among these said ladies was a Mademoiselle Devis6, a 
maiden of mature age, celebrated for her riches as well as her 
bigotry, who had on different occasions not only lent large 
sums to the Jesuit college, but also, in the year 1737, when very 
ill, given over in charge to her Confessor, Father Adrian 
Lontemberg, a casket filled with gold pieces, in order that the 
latter might hand it over to her nephew Devis6 as soon as he 
should arrive at Li6ge after her death. The Father Confessor, 
who also obtained a very considerable legacy for his Order, 
solemnly promised to do so, and the good old dame died imme- 
diately afterwards in the firm belief that she had acted for the 
best for her dear nephew. When, however, he arrived, and at 
once demanded from the college the restoration of the sums which 
had been lent, as well as the casket entrusted to the care of 
Father Lontemberg — respecting which two matters he had been 
fortunately made aware by a letter which the aunt caused to be 
written on her death-bed by the chamber-maid— the above named 
Father denied, in the strongest terms, ever having received any- 
thing but a small trifle from Mademoiselle Devis6. Indeed, he 
declared the requisition of the nephew to be a villainous inven- 
tion, which was calculated to bring the Order of Jesus into 
disrepute, for as far as he knew — and he stood on the most in- 
timate terms with his deceased confessing daughter, so much so 
that she withheld no secret from him — it was quite contrary to 
the inclination of the aunt Devis6 to allow large sums of money 
to lie without interest, and there never had existed such a thing 
as a casket filled with pistoles. 

The other sons of Loyola present in the college of Li6ge 
also assumed the same role, and, if they did not absolutely 
gainsay having received small donations now and then from 
the deceased, they stoutly denied, with a bold front, having 
obtained any such large sums as were laid claim to by the 
nephew. The poor Devis6, who had believed himself entitled to 
a large inheritance, was now in a sad plight, and knew not what 
to do. He had, indeed, the letter of the chamber-maid, but the 





latter had suddenly disappeared from Li4ge overnight, without 
anyone being in the least able to give any information as to her 
abode. How could he, then, be able to prove that the letter 
contained the truth, or, indeed, that it was authentic ? 

The situation was one of desperation ; still, overnight came 
good counsel. Father Golenvaux, who kept the secret register 
of the revenues and expenses of the college at Liege, had a 
nephew — others affirm that he was his son — towards whom he 
entertained extraordinary affection, and this latter, who always 
and at all times had access to his uncle, offered, for a sum of 
money, to make a copy of the whole receipts which flowed 
into the treasury of the Jesuit college. This was done, and, 
sure enough, in this secret book were not only found noted all 
the moneys as to which the nephew had laid claim, but there 
was also the statement of the number of pistoles contained in 
the casket above mentioned. 

The young Devise now, by the advice of his advocate, applied 
to the vicar apostolical of the day, and laid all these particulars 
before him, at the same time declaring that he would be willing 
and ready to spare the Jesuits the scandal of a public trial, if 
they voluntarily accorded to him what he was entitled to demand. 
Thereupon the vicar at once took action, and Father Golenvaux, 
by his order, was obliged to lay before him at once the original 
register, and as it was found to correspond with the copy, th^re 
remained nothing else, of course, for the sons of Loyola to do 
but to pay the amount for which they were liable, so that their 
design for this once completely miscarried. 

The greatly notorious law-suit, between them and the Herren 
von Viane, which began in 1738 and ended in 1745, terminated, 
on the other hand, quite differently, as the sons of Loyola com- 
pletely gained the day, although their proved rascality was quite 
apparent. In the year 1738, Frau Mariane Justidavis, spouse 
of Herr Rombault von Viane, succeeded to an inheritance in 
Germany, to the amount of 300,000 florins, consisting partly in 
coin and partly in diamonds and other valuables, whereupon she 
came to Brussels with the same, in order to convert all these 
objects into current money. Hereupon Father Lutger Jansens, 
whom, on account of his highly esteemed reputation, she took 
as her Father Confessor, declared to her that he would assist her 
to the best of his ability ; and at the same time^advised her,Eflrs1) 

of all, to place the valuables in the Jesuits' college, as they 
would be much safer there, at any rate, than in any private 
house. This was evident to Frau Mariane von Viane, and the 
Father fetched a carriage, by the aid of which he conveyed the 
gold and precious stones into the college ; no acknowledgment 
was granted as to the receipt of these latter, which amounted in 
value to 630,000 francs, because it was intended shortly to con- 
vert them into Belgian coin. Scarcely had this taken place, 
than Herr Rombault von Viane arrived in Brussels, and when 
his wife told him all, informing him that she had received no 
receipt of any kind, he augured nothing good. He ordered the 
same, therefore, to preserve the most complete silence for the 
present as to his arrival, and then hastened to a sagacious 
lawyer, in order to consult with him as to what should be done. 
After long consideration, it was agreed that the Frau should fall 
sick, and that, on this account, she should send for her Con- 
fessor, Father Jansens. After having received from him some 
religious consolation, she should then begin to speak to him con- 
oerning the valuables entrusted to his care, and tell him that she 
had received the orders of her husband in writing to deliver 
them over to Herr von Dormael, a well-known wholesale dealer 
in Brussels. It was arranged, moreover, that every word 
which was exchanged should be taken down by two notaries, 
who, with four worthy citizens of the town, would be hid 
in a neighbouring alcove, and the account then subscribed by 
these citizens as witnesses. In due course, the four witnesses, 
with the two notaries, were so artfully concealed in the alcove, 
that they could see as well as hear all that went on in the neigh- 
bouring chamber, and the celebrated Father was now brought 
to render consolation to the sick Frau Mariane, who laid 
herself down in bed. He, of course, came at once, and 
discharged his duty as ecclesiastic, receiving his fee. As this 
was over, however, the Frau asked him whether there was any 
hope yet that the German gold, together with the precious stones 
and other valuables^ might be advantageously converted into 
Belgian money. " Not yet," replied the Father, who naturally 
presumed that he was quite alone with his confessing child ; on 
the other hand, '' he hoped, in a short time, to be enabled to 
bring more favourable intelligence, and, in the meantime, the 
treasure was well taken care of." The Frau now explained to 




him that her hushand had given her orders that the gold and 
diamonds should be handed over to the wholesale dealer von 
Dormael, and, good or ill, that she must give effect to the order. 
Upon this the Father became very angry, and declared that he 
would in no case deliver the things to the said wholesale dealer. 
Indeed, he forbade the Frau to speak a single word about the 
matter with Herr von Dormael, and vowed solemnly that he 
would deny, without further ado, even at the risk of being burnt 
alive, having any concern as to the keeping of the treasure if she 
was so indiscreet as to speak to him again about this order. 
With these words he took his leave, without, however, having 
any conception of having been overheard by anyone with the 
exception of the Frau von Viane alone; the two notaries, 
however, at once now stepped out of the alcove, completed their 
minutes, and caused the same to be subscribed by the four 
citizens as witnesses, who had likewise been concealed. The 
next step was, that Herr von Viane demanded from Father 
Jansens the restoration of the treasure committed to his keeping, 
and, as the Father actually Carried out his threat of denying 
everything, he at once lodged a legal complaint. His advocate 
produced the protocol which had been taken, and the four sworn 
witnesses, to show that everything had occurred as stated in 
the deed. In spite of all this. Father Jansens persisted in 
denying everything, and all the Jesuits of Liege sided with 
him. The coachman was found who had taken the treasure into 
the Jesuit College, and the man acknowledged on oath having 
done 80. On the other hand, the sons of Loyola maintained 
that every point of the accusation was invented, and that the two 
notaries, along with the four witnesses, had been bought over by 
Herr von Viane. They succeeded in getting the coachman to 
recall his first declaration, and further managed to produce sixty 
witnesses who gave evidence in their favour; they at length 
worked upon the people, by pamphlets distributed about, as well 
as by public denunciations from the pulpits, in such a way that 
not a few firmly beheved that the couple Viane, with the said two 
notaries and four witnesses, had concocted a vile conspiracy to 
the injury of the Jesuit Order. The law-suit appeared inclined 
to go, too, in favour of the sons of Loyola, as the High Council 
of Brabant had already ordered proceedings to betaken against 
the perjured coachman. Indeed, it was also proposed to pro- 



ceed summarily against the two Vianes and their associates; 
when 'suddenly, in May 1743, fifty out of the sixty Jesuit 
witnesses, driven into a corner by the Court of Law, declared that 
they had received money for their evidence, and that it was false. 
The leader of the sixty, by name Konisloe, who, with nine 
others, still adhered to his first assertion, was now subjected to 
torture, whereupon the whole web of villainy was revealed. The 
sentence against Konisloe and five other chief perjurers con- 
sisted in flogging, branding round the neck, and then ten 
years' imprisonment with hard labour, and, lastly, eternal banish- 
ment out of the town and its precincts. Two other guilty 
accomplices were condemned to be flogged and to be banished 
for life ; and another two merely to be placed in the pillory. At 
the same time the High Council of Brabant ordered proceedings 
to be taken against Master Versin, the secretary of the Pro- 
curator-General, because he had likewise allowed himself to be 
bribed by the Jesuits, but he saved himself, together with some 
equally guilty associates, by flight, to which he was assisted by 
money from some unknown hand — undoubtedly that of the 

It now seemed that the rightful case of the Vianes had 
won the victory, and everyone expected shortly a decree in 
their favour. But the sons of Loyola appealed to the Supreme 
Court of Brussels, and, supported by fresh evidence, demanded 
re-establishment in their former position. The Supreme Court, 
consisting for the most part of adherents to their Order, granted 
their petition, and the trial began afresh. At once every effort 
was made in order to get the judges to vote in their favour, 
and money and women played therein a principal part. Herr 
Kombault von Viane, on the other hand, was brought to extremi- 
ties from the hitherto enormous costs of the suit, and could no 
longer compete against Jesuit influence. At length, in the 
summer of the year 174Ö, the case was ripe for judgment, and 
the Supreme Court decreed as follows : — 

First. Eombault von Viane is declared arrested, as he has 
falsely represented that he was possessed of a treasure of coined 
and uncoined gold, as well as of rough diamonds and other 
precious stones, to the amount of 1^96,000 florins, and that he 
had committed this treasure to the Jesuit College, and more 
especially to Father Lutger Jansens. On account of the long 




confinement, however, to which he has heen suhjected, as also 
of his former imhecility of tnind, and other mitigating cir- 
cumstances, he is released from arrest and condemned merely 
in law costs. 

Second. The two prisoners Michael Valder, painter, and 
Jodocus Roos, formerly infantry officer, are to be considered 
convicted in that they gave false evidence against Father Jansens, 
and shall be flogged on the scaffold and then banished ; their 
property also is to be forfeited to the State, after the deduction 
of legal expenses. 

Thirdly and lastly. The prisoner Cauve, citizen of Brussels, 
is also declared to be guilty of having sworn a false oath 
against Father Jansens; but on account of his lengthened 
imprisonment, he is released fro'm further imprisoment, and 
condemned merely in costs. 

Thus ran the sentence of the Supreme Court of Brussels, and 
who can describe the joy of the Jesuits ? They could now 
retain their booty, and had succeeded in legally justifying them- 
selves besides! Nevertheless, it became at that time a proverb 
in Brabant, that one might as well throw one's money into the 
sea as entrust it to the Jesuits, for, with the exception of a 
few bigoted women, everyone was convinced of their villainy 
against the poor Bombault von Viane. But not only did the 
sons of Loyola know how to appropriate money entrusted to 
their keeping, their system of cheating extended itself much 
further, and they took possession of whatever they could lay 
their hands upon. Indeed, they showed such a degree of expert- 
ness in such matters, as one could hardly imagine ; they were 
well up in the school of forgery, theft, and robbery, and many of 
them in this acquired actual perfection. Thus, to begin with a 
little example, they caused several very rich and, at the same 
time, very pious inhabitants of Bordeaux to make a large 
sarcophagus of pure silver in order to keep in it several relics 
upon the high altar of the principal church; the superior, 
Bussow, in the night, substituting for the same a precisely 
similar one made of lead, which had a thin plate of silver over it, 
sold the silver one after having melted it, and thereby gained for 
the Order a hundred pounds of silver. Thus, too, the Fathers 
€luniac and Marsan employed themselves for several years in the 
Jesuit College of Angoulemei in coining counterfeit money, for 



which operation they made use of a cellar underneath, and their 
fellow brethren brought the same into circulation ; as, however, 
in the year 1641, the affair got wind, the two Fathers above- 
named were transferred quickly to some distant college, and it 
was declared that they had, for their crime, been expelled from 
the Order, and it was not known where they had gone. 

Again, King Philip III. of Spain gave permission to the 
sons of Loyola living in his kingdom, to coin the rough gold 
and silver that they obtained from America according to 
the usual standard, to the amount, indeed, of a million of 
piasters, in order that, with the profit thus obtained, they 
might be in a position to build a college in Malaga; the 
cunning Fathers, however, extended this permission to the extent 
of three millions, and the four-maravedi pieces which they coined 
were so bad that it gave rise to a general grumbling. It passed 
into a proverbial saying, if a dishonest debtor paid half to 
his creditors, " he had liquidated his debt with the maravedis of 
the Jesuits " ; and ultimately it came to this, that the Govern- 
ment were compelled to lower the value of this denomination 
of coin, because no one would take them any longer. Again, in 
the year 1729, Father Dequet caused, arbitrarily, 101 pictures 
of great value to be removed out of the house of Monsieur 
Tardif, engineer and secretary of Marshal Bonfleur, in the same 
night on which the master of the house died ; this was done bv 
twelve shoe-blacks, brought together in great haste, such, indeed, 
being the hurry that one-and-twenty of the paintings were lost ; 
when the police interfered he produced, in justification of his 
robbery, a piece of waste-paper, on which was written, " I present 
all my pictures to the novitiate of the Jesuits in Paris, out of 
regard for my friend Father Dequet, who may cause the same to 
be removed at once. May 20th, 1729. Tardif." But when this 
bit of waste-paper came to be more narrowly inspected, it 
became apparent that the scribbling thereon had be^n made by 
Dequet himself, and the police authorities consequently ordered 
the immediate restoration of the pictures by the Jesuits of the 
novitiate of Paris, who were compelled to make compensation 
for those which had been lost — a decision which was received " 
with deafening applause by the public there assembled. 

Once more, the sons of Ignatius played a little game in St. 
r6, not far from Granada in Spain, by means of a contrivance 






which would have done honour to the most cunning swindler, 
and on that account I cannot pass it over in silence. The 
inhabitants of St. F6, so far back as the 15th century, had 
obtained, from the royal pair Ferdinand and Isabella, the right 
to conduct a canal from the river Genii, and this canal was for 
them of incalculable value, as it served for the irrigation of their 
lands, which would otherwise have yielded no produce. Now, 
it so happened that the sons of Loyola had also, in the 1 7tb 
century, acquired a large piece of land in the immediate neigh- 
bourhood for quite a ridiculous price, as this land possessed no 
water right, and was, consequently, dry during the summer 
time ; and one knows what a rainless summer in Granada means. 
On this account they made strenuous exertions to be allowed to 
participate in the privilege as regards the water permitted to the 
inhabitants of St. F6, and they urged to the utmost in order 
to obtain this liberty. The St. F6ans did not, however, at all 
allow themselves to be talked over, as they were unable to spare 
even the smallest portion of their water without inflicting the 
greatest injury upon themselves; and at length the sons of 
Loyola perceived that they could not prevail in a friendly way, 
and by persuasion, in arranging the affair. 

Father Fonuca, the rector of the college of Granada, there- 
upon resolved to take a daring course, and caused a lay brother, 
who was well skilled in architecture, to build quite quietly a 
complete mill. That is to say, the individual parts of the same 
were prepared, as, for instance, the beams, wheels, mill-stones, 
and all other requisites ; these were so excellently fitted, that 
the erection of the whole work could be effected in the course of 
a few hours. The builder at length completed his preparations, 
and now everything, such as the woodwork, the stones, and other 
requisites, was loaded, one fine evening, on carts, in order to con- 
vey them to a certain spot where the property of the Jesuits nearly 
abutted on the irrigation canal. Having arrived there, imme- 
diately Father Fonuca, with the aid of his carpenters, proceeded 
with the erection of the mill, while he directed the labourers, 
who were waiting in readiness from the neighbouring farm 
belonging to the Jesuits, to dig a ditch up to the irrigation 
canal, in order that the mill might be supplied with water. 
Within a few hours all was done, and at the break of day the 
mill machinery rattled as lustily as if it had itself a pleasure in 

its existence. Thereupon a notary who accompanied him, and 
who was well paid for his trouble, produced an instrument 
wherein it was stated how he had seen the said mill grinding 
upon the land belonging to the Jesuits, without a single objec- 
tion ; and when the instrument was ready, and had obtained the 
signatures of more than twenty eye-witnesses. Father Fonuca 
put it in his pocket with a triumphant smile, as he thought, " Who 
can now be in a position to deprive us of our mill, and if none 
can do this, who can take away from us the mill-ditch, with 
which we shall be enabled to convert our unfruitful lands into 
a charming settlement ? " 

His rejoicing, however, came a little too soon, as, hardly had 
the inhabitants of St. Fe been informed of what had taken place 
in the night, when, under the command of their provost, Thomas 
Muros, a man as brave as he was sagacious, they attacked 
the mill, pulled it completely down, and filled up the mill-ditch, 
stamping it down so firmly that the water again took its 
own course. As a matter of course, the Jesuits made a com- 
plaint to the administration of justice at Granada, laying before 
the same the document wherein the quiet possession of their 
mill was testified to, and sure enough the law court, the majority 
of whose members stood on their side, not only admitted the 
justice of the complaint, but also forthwith ordered the leaders 
of those concerned in the work of destruction to be put in 
prison. The trial thus appeared to take a very favourable turn 
for the sons of Loyola, and as they spared no money in order to 
win over the judges to their side, the inhabitants of St F6 were 
within an ace of being condemned to re-build the mill at their 
own cost. This, however, was prevented by the most respect- 
able amongst the judges of the law court, the equally wise 
and upright Don Paul Basquez de Aguilar, who was completely 
proof against all attempts at bribery, and upon his eloquent 
exposition of the true facts of the ease — an exposition which in 
the clearest manner proved the right of the inhabitants of St. 
F6, as well as the thievish mode of proceeding of the sons of 
Loyola — no one of his colleagues dared to express a contrary 
opinion. Consequently, on the motion of Aguilar, the complaint 
of the Jesuits was unanimously rejected, and the imprisoned 
St. Feans immediately obtained their liberty. The sons of 
Loyola, too, took good care not again to raise any claim to the 

24 • 





Bald irrigation works, and the most sensible amongst them 
admitted even as much as that, if the whole history of the aflPair 
came before the public, there could be no question of its anni- 
hilating all belief among the people as to the piety of the 

I could relate dozens of similar stories. In order, however, 
not to tire the reader, I would rather now leave these alone. Of 
such there exist not merely a few hundreds, but tens of hundreds, 
indeed, hundreds of thousands, if not even still more ! It behoves 
me, then, from a fear of being guilty of too great prolixity, to 
make a selection, and I shall therefore content myself with the 
description of three wholesale robberies, of which each one 
exceeds the other in magnitude. 

But to begin. In the first decade of the 18th century 
an old sailor settled in Nantes ; his name was Grillet, and his 
family consisted of a grown-up daughter, who formerly, as 
long as her father was at sea, had lived at Orleans with her 
mother, now deceased. The sailor, to all appearance, was very 
poor, and for this reason performed the most menial offices in 
order to gain at least a little. The daughter, on her part, too, 
made herself useful as a washerwoman, and from morning till 
evening was never idle. They thus went on well for several 
years, and, as they were no burden to the town, no one took anv 
particular notice of them. In the year 1718, the elder Grillet 
began to fall sick, and as his life soon came to be con- 
sidered in danger, the daughter, as a matter of course, now 
looked about for a Father Confessor. Her choice fell upon 
Father Drouet, one of the most prominent among the Jesuit 
Fathers of the town, and the same, in fact, undertook the post, 
although not without long resistance, as old Grillet was con- 
sidered to be very poor, as before said, and for the souls of the 
poor the sons of Loyola never troubled themselves much. 
Drouet now visited his new confessant from time to' time, 
and these visits were always very important, because the 
old sick man, who was unable to leave his bed, lay almost 
unconsoled in his solitude; while the daughter could not 
remain in the house, because she otherwise would not have 
earned the necessary money for their sustenance. Nevertheless, 
the Father did not give by any means frequent calls, and the few 
times that be did come he cut matters as short as possible,. 

without doubt because the poverty of the neighbourhood and 
the ill- odour of the poor creature disgusted him. He came, now, 
one day at an unexpected time, and greatly to his astonishment 
found old Grillet out of his bed sitting upon the ground. But 
his amazement was vastly increased as, silently approaching from 
behind, he found what the old man was occupied in doing. The 
latter had a chest, which the Father had previously often 
remarked under the bed; this was standing open before him, 
while he was rummaging about the contents of the same with 
both his hands. Of what, then, did the contents consist? 
Nothing else than heavy gold pieces, the number of which 
might amount, indeed, to as much as sixty thousand. Only 
imagine such a sight in a room like a beggar's dwelling ! Only 
fancy such riches with a man languishing in misery ! There was 
good ground here, indeed, for the Father to be quite beside 
himself with amazement; on the other hand, there was suffi- 
cient ground for old Grillet to have had a stroke of apoplexy 
from terror, as he caught sight of the Father, for he had up to 
this time initiated no one into the secret of his riches, and had 
only allowed himself a sight of his treasure when he knew that 
he was quite alone. Before everything, the Father was now 
desirous to know from what source these riches had come, and 
he presently made out that Grillet, in former times, had been the 
captain of a piratical ship, by which he had rendered the bays 
of the Pacific Ocean unsafe. Curiosity now impelled the Father 
to make still more minute inquiries as to how these riches had 
been derived, and he did not rest until he had made certain, 
by himself counting them over twice, that the gold pieces 
amounted to not less than sixty thousand. Now, however, the 
thought distressed him as to whether the old man, whose mind 
began to be as infirm as his body, had enlightened any third 
person with the secret of the treasure in question, and he con- 
jured the same most solemnly to keep it from everyone most 
zealously, and even from his own daughter. The old man pro- 
mised this with a solemn oath, and, being reassured as to this, 
the Father took his departure, under the firm conviction that the 
other would keep his word, owing to the avarice with which he 
watched over his treasure. He, indeed, fulfilled his promise, but 
nevertheless, as it afterwards turned out, there was some other 
- people who became aware of the circumstance, in the shape of ft 






poor couple who inhabited the adjoining apartment to that of 
Grillet, and who had seen and heard everything that had passed, 
through a crack in the wall. But as these two, the man and his 
wife, whether owing to fear or from some other intention, 
did not allow a single word to escape them to indicate that 
they were aware of the secret, the Father, of course, could have 
no conception of this, and remained under the firm conviction 
that no one but the sick old man and himself knew anything 
respecting the contents of the wooden chest under the bed. 

But what was to be done now? This much was firmly 
resolved upon by the true son of Loyola, that the contents of 
the said chest must become the property of the Society of Jesus ; 
but as to how this was to be accomplished, he for some time 
remained in doubt, and he tried first in one way and then in 

During the many hours which he now spent daily with the 
sick man, he endeavoured to persuade the latter that it was 
not at all safe to keep such a large amount of gold in such a 
poor bouse as that occupied by Grillet, and that it would 
be much more prudent to have it transported into the Jesuit 
college, where it could be better taken care of. As, however, 
Grillet showed himself to be vehemently opposed to this, or to 
aUow himself to be ever separated from his treasure, the idea 
was abandoned, and some other plan substituted. At length, 
after long consideration, the following scheme was concocted. 
The Father kept constantly assuring the penitent that the many 
sins which he had committed as pirate could not be expiated by 
the ordinary means of masses for the soul and such-like things, 
but that his soul must remain eternally ruined unless he were to 
die in the habit of a Jesuit. The sons of Loyola had alone the 
privilege of being at once translated into heaven, after leaving 
this worid, for whenever a Jesuit was on the point of death 
Christ Himself regulariy came to his dying bed, and, in spite 
of all the devils, conducted the soul Himself to the gates of 
Paradise. Consequently, there was nothing else for Grillet to do 
but to join the Society of Jesus, and he, the Father, desired to 
be serviceable to him in this respect as a particular favour. To 
such-like and similar representations had the former pirate to 
Hsten, almost hour by hour; and what could be more natural 
than that he should give credence to these words, and that at 

length he should earnestly implore Father Drouet to delay no 
longer his transfer into the novitiate of the Jesuits ? The 
Father consented thereto, and one evening as the daughter 
returned home from her work, she found, to her great astonish- 
ment — for all had been carried on secretly — that her father, with 
his chest, had disappeared, without anything having been left to 
indicate what had become of him. She had not, however, to 
remain long in uncertainty, as it was related to her by the 
neighbours that her father had been conveyed away in a litter, 
and the heavy chest in a cart. Moreover, in the dead of 
night, the neighbouring pair who occupied the adjoining apart- 
ment came in, and now the poor daughter was, for the first time, 
informed of the whole secret, as to which she had hitherto not had 
the slightest conceptioij. The first thing to be done next morn- 
ing was for her to seek out Father Drouet in the Jesuit college. 
She was referred to the novitiate, and she hastened thither. As 
she came there, however, she found the sons of Loyola there 
present in the greatest consternation, as old Grillet had just 
departed this life, even before they had been able to carry out the 
ceremony of his reception among the novices. The daughter at 
once demanded the property left by her father, more especially 
the heavy chest with its contents; but they shortly showed her 
the door. Thereupon she addressed herself, on the advice of 
acquaintances, to an honest advocate, and he threatened Father 
Drouet' and his associates with a criminal complaint. At the 
same time, he made his client aware that two things were wanting 
for the gaining of the trial, firstly, the necessary means of proof, 
because the married pair who had seen all were not in the 
apartment itself, but in the neighbouring one ; and, secondly, 
what was still more necessary, money for carrying on the suit. 
She ought, therefore, he added with a good intention, submit to 
a moderate compromise rather than stake all, as the Jesuits 
would employ all their influence and their enormous wealth in 
order to bring the matter to a victorious issue. This advice 
was good, and the poor washerwoman determined to follow 
it. Therefore, immediately when Father Guimont was sent to 
her in order to negotiate amicably with her, she contented 
herself with a sum of acquittance of 4,000 francs, and con- 
sequently the whole affair was an end. Nevertheless, the 
matter came to be so notorious, all agreeing as to the dis« 





graceful nature of the transacüon. that the law authorities of 
the town, who were conversant with the affair, expressed an 
unreserved opinion in regard to this shameful robbery on the 
part of the sons of Loyola. 

There was yet a far more magnificent robbery that the Jesuits 
perpetrated, as regards the inheritance 'of Ambrose Guy, and 
this 18, perhaps, the most extraordinary swindling story which 
ever came before the civilised worid. The said Ambrose, born 
at Apt m Provence, in the year 1613, after arriving at man's 
estate, settled at Marseilles as a pastrycook, and united himself in 
marriage, in the year 1640, with Anna Eoux, who in due course 
presented him with two giris. Having become a widower at the 
end of twenty years, he espoused his eldest daughter to Johann 
Baptist Jourdan, placed his second daughter with the married 
Couple, and left France in order to prosecute his trade in the 
French West Indian Islands. However, he never went to the 
West Indies, but, on the other hand, having thought better about 
It, sailed for Brazil, and employed himself there in gold-digging 
and m search for precious stones, whereby, in the course of forty 
years, he amassed enormous riches. At the end of this time, that 
is to say, after he had attained the age of eighty-six years, the 
desire took him to see his native land and his family once more, 
and, consequendy, in the beginning of the year 1701, he 
embarked with all his riches on board the ship Phelipeaux, 
Captain Beauchene, for Europe. His possessions consisted of ' 
90,000 pounds of gold in bars, a proportionate amount of 
silver and eight chests full of precious stones, and other 
valuable property, amounting in all to not less than eigh't millions 
of French livres or francs. Having arrived in the roads of 
Kochelle, Guy embarked in another ship, bound for Brest, and 
here he landed in August 1701, in a rather indifferent state of 
health, seeing that, at his advanced time of life, the sea voyage 
did him no good. He begged to be taken to a respectable hotel, 
and was conducted, with all his valuable things, to a host of the 
name of Guimar, whose inn was situated on the Quay Eecouvrance. 
As soon, however, as he had got into his apartment there, he sent 
for the rector of the Brest Jesuit college, and caused him to be 
informed that he had to deliver to him letters from the sons of 
Loyola stationed near the Amazon river in Brazil ; he, besides, 
made request for a Father who might dispense to him the con- 

solations of religion, as he felt himself to be very weak, and, 
very possibly he had nearly come to the end of his career. The 
rector at once sent to the hotel in order to obtain possession 
of the letters, without paying any particular regard to the old 
man, as at that time he knew nothing further about him. On 
learning, however, from the letters, as to the enormously rich 
property he had with him, the pious Father at once assembled 
the rest of the members of the college, and took counsel with 
them as to what could best be done for the benefit of the Society 
in this extraordinary case. It was then determined that Father 
Chauvel should be sent as Confessor to Ambrose Guy, and the 
Jesuits knew perfectly well why they did this. Was not this 
Father one of the most experienced and skilled amongst them, 
who understood how to bend by his eloquence the hearts of his 
confessants exactly according to his wishes, but also, at the same 
time, a man of such a true-hearted appearance, that one would 
have thought it quite impossible he could lend himself to any 
dishonest transaction. 

Chauvel did great honour to their choice, as we shall very 
soon see that Ambrose Guy, after the first couple of hours 
after he made his acquaintance, put his entire confidence in him. 
But there was nothing wonderful in this, as the Father by no 
means contented himself with merely consoling his confessant 
mentally and spiritually, but also showed himself so very 
solicitous as regards his bodily condition, as to administer to 
him, with his own hands, the medicines prescribed for him, 
by the physicians. He did not rest, until Guy took posses- 
sion of an isolated apartment at the back of the house, 
ostensibly because the noise in the front of the hotel exercised 
a detrimental effect on the nervous system of the patient; 
in truth, however, in order to cut him off as much as possible 
from all communication with the other inhabitants of the 
place. • 

This kind of game lasted for several days, and with every 
sunset the Father ventured to congratulate himself that he had 
gained new ground in the affections of his truly important 
confessant. In the course of a week, however, a sudden con- 
tretemps occurred which threatened to upset, at a blow, all the 
trouble hitherto taken by the cunning Loyolite. Ambrose Guy 
one morning, after a sleepless night, found himself most un- 





commonly weak, and on this account asked Father Chauvel, as 
soon as he had come into the apartment, to get him as quickly 
as possible a notary, with four witnesses, in order that he might 
be able to execute his will. The patient frequently spoke openly, 
indeed, of leaving a legacy to the Jesuit college at Brest ; but, 
on the other hand, he was determined to bequeath the greater 
part of his possessions to his two daughters and their heirs, 
whoever they might be, and Chauvel at once perceived but too 
well that here all attempt to effect a change as to this resolution 
would be of no avail. After a couple of weeks, indeed, when the 
patient had become a little more pliant, and had been still more 
worked upon in a Jesuitical sense, and perhaps brought to the 
conviction that his daughters had long since died without 
leaving any descendants, it was then hoped that he might 
be induced to bequeath everything to the Order of Jesus ; but for 
the present this was totally impossible, owing to the obstinacy 
of the old man ! 

Yet, on this account, must all thought of securing the great 
inheritance be at once entirely given up ? Must no attempt 
whatever be made to save, in one way or other, for the Order 
the many hundredweights of gold and silver bars, together with 
the eight chests of precious stones and other valuables — in 
other words, the eight millions bequeathed to the rightful heirs ? 
The thought of this made the head of Father Chauvel much 
confused indeed, and one scheme drove out another. Still he 
had so little time for deliberation that he promised the patient 
to take care to fetch the notary and the four witnesses instantly, 
and, in fact, at once set out on his way to do so. Be it well 
understood, however, his path was not in the direction of the 
town, in order to fetch a man of law, but towards his college, in 
order to consult over the matter with his brethren. The time 
pressed frightfully, and it was necessary to come to a quick 
decision, for otherwise the patient was in si. oh a condition that 
he might call for a third party to procure the execution of the 
wished- for testament. 

But when had it been that the right way was not forthcoming 
with the sons of Loyola whenever anything could be got for 
their advantage ? And on this occasion a resolution was formed 
that exceeded everything in infamy, and must be classed in 
the category of the vilest swindling. The gardener of their 

college — quite a thorough-going fellow, who could readily play 
any part required of him, having served formerly as writer in a 
notary's office for a couple of years — was at once dressed up as 
a notary, and he was minutely instructed in what he had to do. 
Four of the Jesuits, too, transformed themselves into worthy 
citizens of the town of Brest, in order to accompany the notary 
as witnesses. With these five Father Chauvel proceeded in a 
covered bark — not wishing to arouse the curiosity of the Brest 
people — to Quay Recouvrance, and brought them, without any- 
one talking about the matter, or, indeed, as he presumed, anyone 
having seen anything of it, into the back chamber of Ambrose 
Guy, who showed himself not a little pleased at their arrival. 
All now went on satisfactorily as to the business of the will- 
making, and the pretended notary, with the greatest formality 
and with the most complete dignity, put down upon paper what 
was required of him by the patient. When the testament was 
now ready and properly drawn up in the usual form, in order 
that it might not be disputed by anyone, it was signed by the 
four so-called citizen witnesses, while the gardener, or — as he 
gave himself out to be — the notary, thereupon took the docu- 
ment, to be deposited at the office of the town hall. He did 
not, of course, convey it there, but, on the contrary, to the 
Jesuit college, where the four witnesses also followed him. 

Ambrose Guy, then, had made a will, and still had not made 
one ; that is to say, he had made a will, according to his idea 
properly executed, while it was totally invalid and utterly 
worthless — as good, indeed, as none at all. He was under 
the belief, then, that his will lay at the town hall, and would 
be, after his death, opened by the authorities and carried into 
effect. In truth, however, no one weis aware of its existence, 
except the sons of Loyola, or, rather, the latter were under the 
conviction that no one knew anything about it, and acted 
accordingly. With this heroic little document the matter, how- 
ever, was only half done. What was required, if the sons of 
Loyola were to succeed in appropriating the whole of Ambrose 
Guy's effects, was to persuade the old man to transfer himself 
and his treasure into the Jesuit college. Were he brought thither, 
then might his property be taken possession of immediately after 
his death, before any could get news of the old man^s decease 
having taken place. Were he not brought thither, was it not 



to be feared that the secular authorities might put everything 
under their seal, and so retain it until it could be ascertained 
whether he had any rightful heirs or not ? It was requisite, 
then, at any price, to bring about the removal, and, thanks to 
the persuasive powers of Father Chauvel, this was effected. The 
Father chattingly represented to the old man, with a pleasing 
demeanour, how it was quite impossible to bestow upon him the 
proper bodily and spiritual care that was necessary in such an 
hotel as that in which he was lodging, as there was much too 
great a noise going on there, and a locality where sailors, 
carters, and other people of a similar description frequented, 
was not at all suitable for a man such as Ambrose Guy ; on 
the other hand, the sons of Loyola would prize it as the greatest 
honour to give him shelter in their college, and would devote 
themselves to him day and night with such zeal that he could 
wish for nothing better. Moreover, the riches which he had 
with him would be much more secure in the college than 
in a public-house, which, might possibly be frequented by 
disguised thieves and robbers ; and, finally, it had to be con- 
sidered that, in the event of his sudden death, the State 
authorities, in the person of a rascally financial fellow, might 
pounce upon the effects he left behind and make the best of it 
for himself. 

Similar things had happened before, and just at the present 
time the Intendant of Brittany did not stand exactly in the 
highest repute, while, on the other hand, the sons of Loyola, 
with their accustomed probity and honesty, would watch over 
the treasure, and, completely independent of all divisional 
authorities, devote themselves to its safe custody. Good Father 
Chauvel employed such, and similar other persuasive words, and 
Ambrose Guy, who had lived for forty years in a land where the 
sons of Loyola were held in the highest estimation, could not do 
otherwise than accept, with the greatest thankfulness, the offers 
made to him. Consequently, one evening the Father, accom- 
panied by several servants and lay brethren, landed from a sloop 
at the Quay ßecouvrance, and, an hour later, Ambrose Guy was 
safely conveyed to the Jesuit College with all his gold and 
other property. What good fortune was this, indeed ! There 
could now, be nothing more to fear as to the old man con- 
fiding anything whatever to the host or to any third person. 



Especially there was no danger as to the parson making use of 
his privilege to visit the dying man, and, by means of confes- 
sion, becoming acquainted with everything which it had been 
sought carefully to conceal. No; Ambrose now belonged entirely 
to the sons of Loyola, and they alone knew exactly the true 
state of his property ; they alone had this same under lock and 
key. When this was the case, what occasion was there any 
longer for them to give themselves any further trouble about the 
patient ? Where was there now any more need for tender 
solicitude concerning him, or why should there be a physician 
who might possibly be able to discover something from the 
patient ? The old man should now die, and as soon as possible ! 
Consequently, they gave themselves no further trouble about 
him, but abandoned him to his pains and his misery, without 
administering to him the requisite medicine. Was there any 
wonder then that his life was not prolonged many days ? Was 
there any wonder that he at length breathed his last with a 
curse against the Jesuits ? Already, a few hours after his death, 
the report was spread abroad that the stranger who had been 
taken away from Guimar's Hotel during the night-time, had been 
conveyed into their college ; and this report reached the parson 
of the church diocese of St. Louis, to which the Quay Recou- 
vrance belonged, and upon this report he now demanded the 
corpse and the property he had left. The Jesuits refused to 
comply with this demand, declaring that they themselves would 
undertake to bury him ; and, as regards his property, that it was 
hardly sufiBcient to cover the expenses which they had incurred 
for the patient's cure. With this, however, the parson, whose 
name was Raignaut, was not satisfied, but he made a complaint 
to the police ; and now the Fathers, so far at least yielded, that 
they placed the corpse before the College gate. Thence the 
parson took it, and had it honestly buried in the Hospital 
churchyard of St. Louis ; the expenses of the funeral, however, 
were not remitted to him, as the sons of Loyola repeated their 
declaration that the deceased had left as good as nothing, as to 
whjch assertion there lay no ground for any sufficient doubt. 
For this reason the police authorities made no further inquires 
as to the deceased, or, indeed, as to any more minute particulars 
regarding him, and as day after day no relation came forward to 
claim what he bad left, the Jesuits dared to hope confidently 





that the whole rohhery would remain undiscovered. Still, 
wonderful to say, immediately after the funeral of Ambrose Guy,' 
reports began to be circulated over the town of Brest, that there 
had been enormous riches in the old man's possession, and it was 
even whispered about, iudeed, as to what the same comprised. 
Also strong confirmation of these said rumours was found in the 
circumstance that during the years following the college had made 
large purchases of estates, and, besides, lent out large sums at 
interest. The jewel-dealers of the neighbouring large towns, too, 
said that many very costly precious stones coming from the Jesuit 
College in Brest had been priced by them, and regarding other 
valuables it became known that they had been forwarded to a 
man in Paris. Thus it could not fail to be that by degrees 
the statement regarding the fabulous treasures which Ambrose 
Guy had left behind him penetrated far beyond the town of 
Brest, and, at length, the affair was talked about even in the 
town of Marseilles. Here, however, there resided a grand- 
daughter of Ambrose Guy, Franziska Jourdan by name, 
married to Esprit Beranger, and one might easily imagine 
what effect these reports must have had on the minds of the 

Summoned by advocates, whom he had for this reason con- 
sulted, Beranger started for Brest in the beginning of the year 
171 5, in order to make more particular inquiries into the matter, 
and, as he went very cautiously to work, and was supported 
besides by an excellent legal friend, he succeeded, in a quiet way, 
in making himself acquainted with almost all the particulars 
that r have mentioned above. Particularly he found out the 
people who had witnessed the disembarkation of Ambrose Guy 
and his heavy effects, and had lived with him in Guimar's Hotel ; 
and others, again, former servants of Guimar, testified to him 
that the deceased Ambrose had desired to make a will, nnd also 
that the gardener of the Jesuit College, whom they knew very 
well, had, disguised as a notary, prepared this will. Lastly, he 
ascertained, for a certainty, as to how and by whom his wife's 
grandfather, with all his treasures, had been conveyed into the 
Jesuit College, and, consequently, the whole shameful deed of 
the sons of Loyola became now as clear as daylight. On üiis 
account Beranger, on behalf of his wife, demanded from the 
Brest College the inheritance belonging to her ; and, as he was 

refused, he accused the Jesuits, on 'the 1 1th of August 1715, 
before the Court of Justice of Brest. 

In this manner arose the great scandal trial which, under the 
name of the '* Cause c6l6bre d' Ambrosius Guy,'' occasioned a great 
sensation, not only in France, but among all civilised peoples 
throughout the world ; and the Society of Jesus, which made the 
affair of the College of Brest their own, proved thereby afresh 
how well it understood to transform the most crying injustice 
into a legal right. They acted in precisely the same way as in 
regard to the shameful transaction of Rombault von Viane, and 
in the Girard-Cadiere case, and neither money nor influence 
were wanting in order to bring over the judges to their side. 
Especially they set about, with success, causing dangerous 
witnesses to disappear, and Beranger himself found that his life 
was more than once placed in danger by a thrust from the 
dagger of a hired assassin. In short, after the lapse of two 
years, however right his case appeared to all impartial people, 
the plaintiff was non-suited by the Law Court of Brest, and as 
he possessed no more means to prosecute the matter in a higher 
court, there remained nothing else for him to do but to betake 
himself back again to Marseilles. Still, with this the cele- 
brated cause did not terminate. Convinced, on the other 
hand, that the Court of Brest, by reason of Jesuit money, had 
decreed an erroneous sentence, and fired, at the same time, by the 
cry of indignation which rang throughout the whole of France, 
Chancellor d'Argeausseau, the Procurator- General of the Parlia- 
ment of Rennes, the capital of Brittany, ordered the first 
Parliamentary Councillor to bring the matter before the said 
Parliament; and the latter formed a resolution, on the 7th of 
March 1718, to despatch the First Councillor to Brest, in order 
to inform himself respecting the nature of the case. Thereupon 
the sons of Loyola experienced a deadly panic, as, if the investi- 
gation were to be conducted with impartiality, their villainy must 
then be made apparent ; but they at once resolved to appeal to 
the couneil of the King, because they possessed, indeed, in 
d*Argenson, Keeper of the Great Seal, an especially good 
friend ; they were successful, too, in getting a decree, dated 16th 
February 1719, which prohibited the Parliament of Rennes from 
carrying out its intended resolution. 

The case once more languished, when Esprit Beranger, 



soTl?^''' °*»'«r descendants ofA„,bro8e Guy. came into 
year 1723. to the Parliament of Brittany with a petition tl,«f 

interim succeeded to the nosition nf A'a, 

agreeable than CardinaT Cv the i^'°^°'/'' ""' '^'^ 
Louis XV »>,a» »1. r ,^' all-powerful minister of 

capital of Br ttany. should be appointed as the Court of revision 
Everyone „.,ght now easily predict how the case wou d Z" 
out. as the members were all among the most ZLlZf a 
of the Order of Jesus; and. oonse'nXt^^^.TljT' 
regarded as a wonder if the sentenc^ of thl' Cou^ZeZl ^Z 

t^ZXtü 't' '""''^ '"•"^^ °"* '°'° « perfect stoS ^f 
lor ever Jn this, however, they were mistaken. 

and sour o7a.A'f' ?'•'" '^'''"^^^' ""^ '>'«' »--- ^e life 
TooZ Jl ' '"°°"' ""»"«"'res, was transferred on 

.»oh .naer.^in this Ät:rhrc:;st:c?z\^^^^^^^^^^^ 

Itdt- 'i! "'"'^' "'*'' '^"°' *"« Punishmen s wh h 

awaited him in the next world for his infamoL deeds. Jwas 

anxious to make compensation for them as far as could be done 
but he was always too much watched, so that he miZlt t 
an opportunity of making a confession before the Sw"^„tT 

toll' fi7'/ ''"""" °' meeting with death when. v?rre 
took the first step to advance this nh^f^nt . . "«invtr tie 

whole course of the affair. He prenared tW»f *" P"?«»^ the 
inventory of all the riches whierrbl^L;^^^^^^^^^^^ 
and escnbed everything in detail, from the time thev had li 
about conveying him into the Jesuit College Tl.i. T ? 
testamentary document he entrusted, wealed TJX 

W >TJ °°^ ''°"'' -^^P^"-^' «"d ^l'- latter promisd 1 
that It should not be made any use of until he had Zed I 
eyes. Scarcely was Chauvel dead, than the friend hatned to 



Marshall d'Estnee, with whom he was well acquainted, who in 
turn handed over the packet to King Louis XV. The King 
read it with astonishment, and, however favourable he had 
hitherto been towards the sons of Loyola, he could hardly 
restrain his. indignation on this occasion. He instantly issued 
an order to the Jesuit College at Brest, wherein he charged the 
same either to restore to the heirs of Ambrose Guy the things 
they had stolen, or to pay over to them 8,000,000 francs ; and 
this order was couched in such categorical language that the 
Jesuits were seized with the greatest consternation. Luckily for 
them, Louis XV. was one of the most lazy, most stupid, and 
most^profligate of any rulers France ever had, and it was for 
them still greater luck that he allowed himself to be governed by 
the above-mentioned Cardinal Fleury, the friend of the Order of 
Jesus. The Cardinal,' therefore, induced the Kiog to allow the 
Jesuits time to collect the large sum, and they employed this 
interval in order to come to favourable terms with the heirs of 
Guy. That is to say, instead of 8,000,000, they paid them only 
one half, or, as stated by other accounts, only 200,000 franos ; 
and thus was the whole affair arranged to the enormous advan- 
tage of the Society of Jesus. In the eyes of the world, however, 
this fraternity suffered a shock which for ever undermined their 
existence, and estranged^them, as well, from many of those who 
had hitherto been their best friends. 

The third story of Jesuit robbery which 1 have to relate to the 
reader, runs as follows. 

In the middle of the Uth century, the Jesuit College at San 
Herminigilde, in Seville, got into difficulties, and the High 
Council of Castille at once commissioned the President of the 
Government of öeville, by name Don Juan de Öantalices-Guevara, 
to sequestrate the estates and revenues of the College for the 
satisfaction of the creditors, and also especially to institute an 
accurate investigation of the property belonging thereto. Jn 
accordance with this order, Don Santelices at once seized upon 
all the books, accounts, and manuscripts of the Seville Jesuits, 
and by this opportunity found a manuscript which had for its 
title Liber Piorum iSecretoruin Oj)erum, which means '* The 
book of secret good works." The title took his fancy, and he 
read it through carefully; he found, however, notiiing suspicious 
until he came upon a page containing the following word»; 





One most temporize with Don Rodrigo Barba Cabenza de 
Vaca until after the death of the beneficiary, Juan Segnero de 
Velasco ; so, too, on his death, one must slam the door in the 
face of Don Rodrigo Barba, as if one had never had anything to 
do with him.*' Further on was to be found an observation to 
the following efi'ect : " No one except the Bailiff, the Rector, the 
Provincial, and the Counsellors of the Province, shall have any 
knowledge either of this book or of the estates and revenues of 
the College." It was, therefore, clear that there was something 
here treated of, which was not suitable for the ears of everyone, 
and, proceeding on this idea, Santelices required the former 
Procurator of the College, Father Andr6 de Villar, as well as 
Don Rodrigo Barba and Don Juan Segnero de Velasco, to come 
before him, each separately, in order to interi'ogate them on their 
oath. Don Rodrigo at once stated what he knew of the matter, 
but he was not properly acquainted with the secret itself. The 
other two, on the other hand, were perfectly cognizant thereof, 
and, on this account, faltered in their assertions. All, at length, 
however, confessed, and the story ran thus : — 

Nine-and- thirty years previous to that time a noble gentle- 
man of the name of Juan de Monsalve returned to Seville 
from the West Indies, where he had lived for a long time, and 
brought with him great riches. He now, as a matter of course, 
found many good friends, for he had remained a bachelor during 
all his days, and was thus free to dispose of his property ; and 
this fact, also, the Jesuits of the College of San Hermenigilde 
especially treasured up in secret. Still, they took good care 
Bot to allow their views to become too apparent, but, on the 
contrary, assumed the air of disinterestedness, in order all the 
better to gain the confidence of Monsieur de Monsalve. It now 
happened, after some years had quietly elapsed, that a woman 
came to Seville and desired to be recognised by the old rich 
gentleman as his daughter. He had, affirmed the individual 
in question, begotten her previous to his marriage with her 
mother. This relationship had, however, latterly become 
legitimate, as her mother had been secretly married to him 
betöre his departure for the West Indies, and, on this account, 
she regarded herself, with every justification, as his legitimate 
child, as well as the future heiress of all his possessions. 

This was pi-etty well what the damsel asberied, and in con- 



firmation of the same she had brought with her several papers, 
bearing external evidence which showed that her tale could 
not be altogether rejected. Juan de Monsalve, on the other 
hand, repudiated most distinctly all and every relationship with 
the mother of the woman, and declared the latter to be an arrant 
cheat. With this, however, tlie afiair, as one might imagine, 
did not come to an end, but the person lodged a complaint, and 
a law-suit was the result, which caused no small noise in the 
town, more especially, indeed, as it could not be predicted 
what would be the end thereof, since many people, among 
whom were some, indeed, learned in the law, affirmed the 
right to be on the side of the female. Juan de Monsalve was 
greatly incensed at this, he having already disposed of his future 
succession in favour of his two nephews, the sons of his deceased 
sister, and this vexation occasioned him a tedious sickness, of 
which he afterwards, in fact, died. During his illness, however, 
he was in frequent communication with a Jesuit from the College 
of San Herminigilde, who gave him advice as to how he might 
be able to defeat the intentions of the detested woman, at least 
in regard to her disgraceful conduct, in desiring, at any price, 
to fasten her paternity upon him, although he very well knew 
that such was by no means the case. 

And in what, now, did this advice consist ? Simply in this, 
that the patient should, quite in a general way, so that no one 
should know anything about it, convert into ready coin all his 
property, so far, that is, as it did not consist of immovable 
estates, and that this cash should be entrusted to the Jesuit 

" Should, then, the law-suit, after the death of Juan de 
Monsalve, terminate in favour of the woman, then certainly the 
landed estates would fall to the same ; as to the sums of money, 
on the other hand, secretly deposited with the Jesuits, she would 
by no means obtain possession of them, as she would know 
nothing thereof, while the Jesuits would at once hand over 
these sums to the two nephews, and the latter would thereby 
be irrevocably assured, in any case, of at least part of the 

Such was the advice given by the Jesuit to his confessant, who 
went into the thing most heartily. He only, however, made 
the further condition that, in the event of the trial terminating 

26 • 



favourably, the younger of his two nephews, called Don Rodrigo 
Barba Oabenza de Vaca, should succeed to the whole of the 
ready money, while the elder one, in this case, would become 
heir to the whole of the landed property by right of primo- 
geniture. After, now, that all this had been regulated in the 
aforesaid manner, Juan de Monsalve instantly alienated all his 
movable property, and the Jesuits assisted him in this with such 
skill that, besides themselves, not a single soul in all Seville was 
aware of what had happened. The sum now derived from this 
sale, with the whole of the capital of which he had previously 
been possessed, amounting in all to 55,000 heavy pistoles, he 
at once handed over to the Rector of the College for safe keeping ; 
and on this occasion no one was present, with the exception 
of a distant cousin of his of the name of Juan Segnero de 
Velasco, who had long before given over his whole property to 
the College, and thereby derived from it a yearly benefice, or 
pension, of several hundred pistoles. Not long after the accom- 
plishment of this act, Juan de Monsalve died, and the eldest of 
his nephews now bestirred himself to bring the impending suit 
to a favourable termination. He succeeded in this with but 
little trouble, as the female plaintiff was but too well aware that 
she was in the wrong, and showed herself, on that account, 
greatly satisfied with an acquittance to the amount of 10,000 

Consequently the so-called patrimony by right of primo- 
geniture — that is to say, the whole of the landed estates which 
old Monsalve possessed — fell into the hands of the rightful heir 
without any further difficulty, and it was now obligatory for the 
Rector of the Jesuit College to pay over to the younger nephew 
the 55,000 heavy pistoles. But how could it ever be expected 
from a Jesuit that he should agedn restore anything of which 
he had once obtained possession ? And then, indeed, such a 
colossal property of more than three millions of francs — no, that 
could not be undef any circumstances ! Still, it was true there 
existed, besides the sons of Loyola, yet another person who was 
aware of the secret, and that was the beneficiary Juan Segnero 
de Velasco ; but he, indeed, was already a weak old man, who 
was animated with the most profound veneration towards the 
Order of Jesus, and could, moreover, on that account be very 
«asily brought to silence. So he was threatened with the with- 



drawal of his pension in the event of a single word about 
the matter escaping from him. In fact, Juan Segnero readily 
promised at once to preserve the most perfect and profound 
silence, durino; his whole existence ; he only begged that his 
cousin, Don Rodrigo Barba Cabenza de Vaca, should not be 
allowed to perish from hunger, and it was requisite for the sons 
of Loyola to pay some regard, good or bad, to this petition. 

Consequently, they accorded to the cavalier named a yearly 
gratuity of 300 pistoles, giving out that this was derived from a 
fiind which had been instituted by a forefather of Don Rodrigo 
for poor nobility ; they made it, however, clearly to be under- 
stood that this gratuity was only to be continued payable as long 
as Juan Segnero was alive, and this accounted for the words 
'• one must temporise with Don Rodrigo Barba Cabenza de Vaca, 
until after the death of the beneficiary Juan Segnero de Velasco." 
Still, the said Segnero did them the favour of not dying for 
nine-and-thirtv long years— he was himself, at the discovery of 
this, crime, a man of ninety years of age, and still robust— and, 
consequentlv, the Jesuits had to pay, by degrees, to Don 
Rodrigo nine-and-thirty times 300 pistoles. To do this, how- 
ever, they had taken nine-and-thirty times the interest of 4,2.50 
pistoles, which, with the original capital appropriated by them, 
represented the enormous sum of 240,000 pistoles. A truly 
colossal theft, indeed, exceeding even that of Ambrose Guy ! 
Atheft, besides, which could never be completely compensated 
for, as, although the High Council of CastiUe, to whom Don 
Juan de Santilic6s at once referred the business, ordered Don 
Rodrigo Barba Cabenza de Vaca to be completely indemnified, 
it afterwards turned out that the property of the College of 
Herminigilde came far short of the amount, and, consequently, 
Don Rodrigo had to be content with only a part of the whole 
Anything better than nothing, however , and. besides, he had 
to be thankful for the accident by which this piece of knavery 

had been discovered. „ , , 

From the foregoing it will be perceived how well the sons of 
Loyola understood the art of thieving and robbery from confiding 
mankind, and it must occur to many who read of these evil 
deeds that the pious Fathers regarded their confessants as 
lemons, whose juice could be utilised only by squeezing them. 
It would, however, be a great mistake to suppose that the 



Jesuits confined themselves, in their system of robbery, to their 
confessants merely, as has been related, or only among the 
laity. No ; they extended the same to their colleges, the body 
of the clergy, and especially nuns and monks were not secure 
from their thievish attacks. Indeed, one might boldly assert 
that they directed their attention, in this respect, even more to 
their conjreres than to the non- tonsured portion of mankind, and 
when it was their will and pleasure all cloisters and abbacies might 
be regarded by them as sources of income to their colleges and 
educational institutions. Thus, for example, under their General 
Laynez, they knew how to flatter Pope Paul IV. so well that the 
latter handed over to them a large cloister in Rome, founded by 
the Marchioness Orsini, niece of Pope Paul IV.. and the sons of 
Loyola triumphantly took possession of the same in the year 
1660, after they had driven away, without further ado, the former 
occupants, and had them dispersed among other female cloisters. 
Less forcible but all the more villainous was the conduct of 
the sons of Loyola towards the Ursulines of Macon in France 
which, according to the legal reports, was as follows:- Late in 
the summer of Iß49, Father Forget, Rector of the Jesuit 
College of Metz, was put in possession of the information that 
the Ursulines of Macon contemplated founding a. branch of their 
cloister in Metz, and upon this news he determined to foist upon 
them a house belonging to the College in that town. The place 
was small, and the building was in such bad condition, that the 
Jesuits denved from the same no more than 150 francs 
of yearly rent. There was, then, no wonder that they gladly 
rehiyiuished It. But they desired not only to part with it. but 
also to obtain a good price for the same, and with this object 
something of deceit was more or less required. One among 
them, a skilled mechanic, drew an elegant plan, at the desire 
of the Rector, m which the house appeared to be in the best " 
condition being from the ground-floor to thereof beautifully 
sculptured and ornamented, and surrounded by a large fresh- 
looking garden full of flowers, in the thick brushwood of which a 
whole world of small birds sang and made their nests. In this 
plan appeared also a beautiful church with a Gothic l.elfrv and 
through tue open window of the chief building one lookH info 
large fine l.alls, dining-rooms and bedrooms, as light and 
roomy as could be wished In truth, however, the small miser- 



able appurtenance was, as has been aboye indicated, felling to 
pieces: and to build for such a ruin an adjoining church or 
even t^ form a place about it, was. indeed, ridiculous. Besides. 
H appeared very doubtful whether, owing to a shmy tank in 
the neighbourhood, it would be advisable to live in ,t . and he 
iesuits had hitherto never been able to «"^ a purchaser fo he 
„ronerty although they had offered the same frequently for lutle 
money Nevertheless, at the end of August 1649, the worthy 
Fathe^' Forget boldly betook himself, with his beautiful plan in 
hhpocket tot,e Superiorof the ursulines of Macon, and con- 
trived bv fair words to make such an impression upon her that 
Sing implicit faith to the worthy Father, and m.s ed by the 
beauTiW plan, she concluded a contract of purchase for 80 000 
MlfranL which was equal to 30.000 livres of Turnois. This 
Metz francs, wmc J ^^^ ^^^^^^^ ^„„^y 

occurred on the 6* S^-^J' ;^ ^,^3 ,,, ^one without 

was deposited on the 13th 0^ tenement, and the Jesuits were 

Milte" as7i sm exceeded the actual worth of the objecj 

:;fmt In fourfold. In ^^^^^^X ^^1^ 

''' '''t:^:l^!ZrX^^. fe::n hei; were 
possession of the charming ^^^^ ^ ^^^^^^^ ^^^^^^^^ 

they "f 7?^ J^^i^TLabitei, and the plan laid before 
barrack, which could never b ^^^^^^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^^^^^^ 

the nuns of the Holy Ursula was i ^ 

deceit. Experts were now called upon o est mate .^^ 

and those stated it, at the most. »«J^^J»;* ^^n ^f an over- 
Tournois. There was now consequently a question 

u-^r. nf ihe OTOssest description, and on tnis gruu, 
reaching »/ ^he gr^ J^ ^^^^„^^^ ,^,, cancelment of 

Supenor of the Ursulines a however. Fathor Forget 

ehe previous P7^--;Xld he wa' s^ported therein by the 
would not accede at any pnce ana i'j ^^^^^ ^ 

Provincial. Thorn. ^ ^^rnolptinZ and a law-suit began, 
of Jesus. The nuns we f ^^^ .^,y ^^^ 

which lasted d-ng e gh yea^^ ^^^^ .^ ^^^^^.^^ 

'^''''''''''r'r^^^^rlZinü.e.oe. At length, on the 
of -°7 -^ °V,"^7;p Hinment of Metz, the last court of 
10th of May '66'.;;« ^''. ...j,^,^ ^„tire purchase contract « 
appeal, gave their dec.s^on.P^ ^^ ^.^^^ ^^^^ ^^ 

null and void, and the money aep ^^^ 

the Ursulines ; the latter, however, shftll be bpwa V-7 



Jesuits 18,000 Mefy fi..« 

tl-e house, in t^eTJ'ZVZlt ^^ ■'' ""■^'■""^ '''''' '^^ 
«"«••* The Parliau,eut thereb " ^ 7. """'^"'^^ ''*'' *»•- 
reaching was to the extent of !^ «f »«^'edged that the over- 
to 68,000 francs : and if .^^^^^Z/^f «' Counting, na^e,., 
account of which anv otier Oh " ''^''^'' «^'"'l'''. «n 

J-ned to ten ,ears in,pn o I'enT rr^;''' '"'^: '^^ -"" 
The Jesuits, however, escaned f. t "'" "^ correction, 

whatever, as they belong" t'ol hi " ""' ""^ P""'«"-»* 
he unimpeachabJe. "'^ '°*"^'y ^J^ich was held to 

i—CT/alät.rnC^^oVth"- "°^^ -^'-"^ '-"i-tice. 
towards the brethren of the H ivt^'T'"""'" P"^*"^«'- 
congregation of monks were know • 1 "' ''•'' '''"■'''' "«-"e « 
perpetration of this injusti e thT '" '* """"'^^ '' "°d '■" the 
tbe best manner, first, ;:Zh;\:? ^"""'^ ^"PP-^^-^ '" ' 
«»thority. In the year [506X/"^r"''^ ''^ *''^ P«P«' 
•I..shon, on a wonderfully be«utff7ir"" ''f ' "'"'P^' '" 
the congregation of monks which L,",,' ""'' ^""^ '' o^«-- to 
of ^he Holy Rochus." As I mtte ";f """ " *'^ ^--«^''-'-od 
oomo,ned with considerable """„,« """'■'''• '^'^ P'-««''"' was 
accompanied the gift „ I«r„/ ? ' """"^ especially there 

beautiful garden. wfi^h\;rbtr;heT"^-'-^ 
charming tenement, which the r1 ^ *»'«JTonse of God. This 

-ssed for several decade of yl;'",?"'^-''-'' "ad pos- 
excted from the commencement 1 Z' "''^ '""''«"*-n. 

while ,t was evident that they wö,^d „T^ '' "^^ •^-•""t« '' <^-^ 
powerful in Portugal, they thus ent. T^ 'f"" '''" ''«^'""« «"• 
^f '" possession of it with ease 1„?" ^"^'' '' ''"'"^ •""« 
What was, then, the pretext of l."' °°' "'^''"«'' o«- «''"ther 

they suddenly affirmed'tllJi't ''? ™"'^^ ^^ ^ ^•'' 
«velafon from God. enjoining „em'Tn"""' ''^ ' -"-* 
the Rochus chapel stood, a p ol, . '''' °" ^''^ ^P"' '^»'«■■e 
belonging to it, „nd. as th y could ifr'' ""' '^^ ''^'-«'' 
'eyelation they hoped that the Ro 1 "^ *° '''''' '^ ''>-"« 
w.thout further ado, gjy^ ' ^t .aM " ^''«"'-''ood would, 
however, the latter were not at „„ ;' .-""r"-^ '" *''«'»• This 
other hand, they opined they had .r.' '" ''"• ''"'' "" "-e 
Inspect to this presumed revel^T 5"""''' ^"^ '^""''^''"^ - 

mus,— ihou 8j,3jj 



not steal." This hint was much too plain for the Jesuits not 
to perceive that thev would not be able to attain their 
end bv fair means, and they, therefore, addressed them- 
selves to King John III , who, as T have pointed out in the 
Third Book, had given himself over to them in slavish sub- 
mission. The affair now took another turn, as a matter of 
course, as the weak and superstitious John would have con- 
sidered it to be a crime to have any doubt about the said reve- 
lation, and would have at once certainly hunted the Rochus 
Brotherhood out of their possession had he not recollected that 
by so doing he was destroying the work of his father Emanuel. 
Consequently, it occurred to him to send Don Pedro Masca- 
renhas, a per'son of importance at his Court, in order to smooth 
the strife between them and the Jesuits ; and this Mascarenhas 
who was at the same time a zealous patron of the Order of 
Jesus, endeavoured by every means at his command to induce 
the said brethren to yield. They were, however, inexorable, and 
declared that -thev would not, under any circumstances, allow 
themselves to be robbed of their property, as the whole conduct 
of the Jesuits was nothing else than a miserable dissimulation 
in order to give cover to an act of theft. Upon this declaration. 
Sascarenhas allowed himself to be beguiled by the Jesuits 
to try an act of violence against the Rochus brethr n, and 
with an armed band to storm the cloister and chapel. But 
the brethren defended themselves desperately, and victoriously 
repulsed the attack. The affair, however, was not yet at an 
end hut it came to a law-suit, in which the Jesuits were 
;iai;tiffs, " in respect to refusal of property." The pdges had 
Therefore, to decide whether it was to be allowable in Portugal 
rob ones neighbour according to pleasure, and they dec. d 
-one could hardly believe it possible that such could be the 
case-in favour of such' a proceeding. The end of the story was 
h s then that the Brotherhood of the Holy Rochus had, on 
t'irength of an instrument »J -slop, to suffer J.e renun 

. ciation of their property for «^^ .^^'/^^^V'^^iltes 
robberv perpetrated on them they did not receive the slightest 
[„demnification. The sons of Loyola at once pulled down the 
e" -r, buildings, and-in place th^f e.cted s h ,. 

cent profess-house as there was hardly the Ute in 



Thus was the before-mentioned divine revelation realised 
although certainly in a fashion by which a blow in the face 
was given to the justice of the heavenly universal government 
But even this was not enough, for one sin generally begets 
another. So it happened that the garden of the Jesuits belong- 
ing to their new building abutted on the park which sur- 
rounded the palace of the Count d'Almirante, and an earnest 
desire seized the sons of Loyola to possess this domain also 
So longing were the glances which they now threw day by day 
on this charming property, that they almost succeeded by their 
machinations in obtaining the accomplishment of their desires 
But lo and behold ! the Count, in the year 1612, began to make 
preparations to erect in his park certain buildings for the 
enlargement of his palace, and now the thought at once shot 
like lightning through the heads of the sons of Loyola how 
they might make their attack. They instantly entered a 'com- 
plaint m the law courts against the erection of these new build- 
ings of the Count, and demanded that the same should be put 
a stop to, while they maintained that his park was nothing else 
than the former churchyard of the Saint Rochus chapel There 
was, of course, no truth whatever in this assertion, and as the 
law court applied to the Archbishop ef Lisbon in order that there 
might be an official explanation of the matter, the latter gave 
his decision that the disputed circle had at no time served as a 
burial-ground. With this decision, however, the Jesuits were 
not at all satisfied, but they now addressed themselves to 
the Tribunal of Petitions, and, with bold assurance, demanded 
justice. This action, however, did not succeed in the way 
they expected, and in the first and second instance the Count 
obtained permission to proceed with the building, ar^d the 
petitioners were brought to silence as to their complaint. The 
Fathers now appealed to Rome, affirming that the Pope was 
supreme over all kings and courts of law ; and Paul V who 
entirely agreed with such principles, not only at once' pro- 
hibited any further ^action whatever on the part of all the 
Portuguese tribunals, as regards the matter of contention between 
the Jesuits and Count Almirante, but summoned, besides, the said 
parties before his own Forum, in order that it might be deter- 
mined by his own holy courts what was right. What would now 
have been the consequence, had the Count obeyed, may easily b? 



imagined; but, on account of this Papal presumption, he 
addressed himself to Philip II., who at that time reigned 
over Portugal, and he, well-disposed as he was towards the 
Church, forbade the interference of Rome with the internal 
affairs o.f his country, with such energy that Paul V. found it 
necessary to draw in his horns. Thus, at length, the Count 
managed to retain possession of his property, and the sons of 
Loyola were obliged to renounce their artfully contrived robbery. 
Precisely similar attempts at theft the sons of Loyola made, 
as regards' the nuns and monks of other countries, as had been • 
the case with reference to the Brotherhood of the Holy Rochus 
in Portugal, and I might adduce in this respect a great quantity 
of the most edifying stories. As for example, at Dantzig, where, 
in the year 1606, they robbed the nuns of the Holy Order of 
the Brigittens of their cloisters, but were compelled by the 
magistrate to relinquish their robbery. Thus, too, in Thorn, 
where Fathers Lapas and Valentin performed a similar tyran- 
nical deed, but equally met with punishment on this account. 
The same kind of thing took place at Cracow, and in many 
other Europeans towns. The reader will, however, obtain the 
deepest insight into the system of Jesuit robbery when I re- 
late how the sons of Loyola plundered, during the Thirty 
Years' War, as they never at any time carried out stealing 
operations on such an extensive scale as during that period. 
True it is, moreover, that there never existed but one Ferdinand 
IL, and the prodigal liberality of this Emperor towards the 
Order of Jesus, as also the immeasurable weakness with which 
be sanctioned all their robberies, was never afterwards exceeded.» 
Before everything, the sons of Loyola sought to appropriate for 
themselves as much as they possibly could in the Empire of 
Austria itself, and they made a beginningt in this respect, by 
demanding the University of Vienna for themselves. In seeking 
this, however, it was not so much on account of the great 
material advantages to be derived therefrom, but that in this way 

• The Emperor Ferdinand appears, towards the end of his life to 
have discovered that he had far overstepped the proper measure of hber- 
aUtv- otherwise he would not have exclaimed to the Fathers m 1635 
ÄpHe vos Patres, non semper habebitis Ferdinan dum Secundum " 
iAccevt, ve Fathers, you will not always have a Ferdmand ii.). ^ 

• ^ t ReÄg the acquisitions of the Jesuits in the so^alled Inner AustrlJ^ 
previous to the Thirt/Years' War, I have already called attention m the 
Second Book of this work. 




the entire higher instruction of the youth would fall into their 
hands and especially hy this means the Protestant element, 
which had at that high school ohtained an almost preponderat- 
ing influence, might be completely exterminated. As, however 
these designs of fhe sons of Loyola appeared to be as clear as 
daylight, the professors of the university defended themselves 
to the utmost, and the students also protested, unanimously 
against the amalgamating of the high school with the Jesuit 
College. But what did that matter ? After a couple of years 
• of irresolution, the Emperor, -n the urgent appeal of his Con- 
tessor, Father Lamormain. yielded, and, on the 21st of October 
1682, ordered the desired amalgamation. Even this how- 
ever, was not suflBcient, but he must needs accord as well the 
necessary funds in order to build an enormous and truly splendid 
CO lege with church attached thereto, because the apartments 
hitherto allotted were insufficient for the accommodation of all 
the four faculties. There was not, therefore, a single material 
advantage wanting to accompany this acquisition, and this fact 
becomes more prominently apparent when one takes into con- 
sideration that now the entire property of the University as 

regards its management, passed over into the possession of "the 
oociety of Jesus. 

Much more important, however, was an acquisition that the 
sons of Loyola obtained for themselves about that time in the 
Austrian Salzkammergute, namely the Benedictine nun cloister 
of Traunkirchen, situated in a charming? solitude of rock and lake 
and, at the same time, endowed with truly princely revenues' 
After it had enjoyed a prolonged oxistence, the Emperor Maximi^ 
lian abohshed the same, in the year 1573, and he might indeed 
have had good grounds for so doing; by means of the' Je.uits* 
however, scruples of conscience were awakened in the Emperor 
Ferdinand II. respecting this abolition, and at length he arrived 
at the conviction, by the insinuating influence of his Father 
Confessor, that th^ same was nothing else than a theft per- 
petrated on the Church. He, therefore, determined to restore to 
the Church the rich settlement, and the Benedictine nuns now 
naturally expected nothing else than that they should again obfRin 
possession of their former property. It was, however, a sinister 
element m the calculations of the Jesuits that they had only 
aroused the scruples of conscience in Ferdinand II., as regards 



the matter, in order to obtain Traunkirchen for themselves, and . 
on that account they now made use of every lever to bring the 
Emperor to such a way of thinking. Their great patron, the 
Archduke Leopold, the Emperor's brother and, at the same 
time, Bishop of Passau, was induced to besiege his high re- 
lative with the representation that it would only prove valuable 
in the hands of Loyolites, because they alone were fit to make 
use of it for the uprooting of Protestantism in the country of 
the Ens, and he finally contrived to bring the matter so far, 
that the Emperor at length definitively assigned the charming 
settlement to the Jesuit College of Passau, on the 12th of July 
1624. The Benedictine nuns, it is true, complained to the Pope, 
representing it as a robbery perpetrated against them, and, in 
this respect, they were also undoubtedly right. Urban VIIL, 
however, took the part of the Jesuits, and, consequently, the 
latter remained in undisputed possession of their rich acqui- 

With no less covetous hand did they also pounce upon every- 
thing within reach in Silesia and Moravia, wherever they could 
get possession of aught ; and in this, also, the Emperor Ferdi- 
nand IL, their high patron, most willingly supported them. 
They enriched themselves with the estates confiscated from the 
Protestants, and not only obtained their colleges of Olmiitz and 
Brunn in this fashion, but acquired besides several noble estates, 
and, on the 1st September 1622, four great market-places, Pol- 
lehradiz, Rzeizkowitz, and whatever else may be their names. 
Besides, also, another brother of the Emperor, the Archduke 
Karl, who was at the same time Bishop of Breslau and pro- 
prietor of the county of Glatz, as well as of the Dukedoms 
of Oppeln and Eatibon, showed himself to be extremely favour- 
able to. them ; and if he approved of the Order, depend upon it 
the remaining clergy did not remain behindhand with their 


Consequently, they succeeded with facility in gaining for their 
college at Glatz the estates of the knights of Malta, and for their 
college at Beiss the cloister and church attached thereto of the 
Knights of the Cross ; for their educational institution in Glogau, 
however, they obtained the six entailed estates of the Baron 
George von Schönaick, at Carolath -Leu then, which they simply 
took away from him because he was a Calvinist ; and, as a not 



less magnificent acquisition, they got for themselves the Upper 
Silesian lordship of Oldersdorf, which brought in an annual 
income of 50,000 dollars. In short, the Jesuits went at it in 
real earnest, and the rulers of the day testified great joy when- 
ever they succeeded in some great robbery. 

All this, however, appeared but paltry in comparison with 
what the sons of Loyola contrived to appropriate for themselves 
in the kingdom of Bohemia— the same territory from which, at 
the commencement of the Thirty Years' War, they had been so 
ignominiously expelled. For instance, when, in consequence of 
the battle of Prague, in the year 1620, the whole of the country 
of the Czechs, as we know, was unconditionally surrendered to 
the Emperor Ferdinand II., the Jesuits returned thither in great 
hordes, and established themselves again in possession of their 
former estates and colleges. This was, however, only a fore- 
taste of their subsequent operations, as they at once placed 
themselves at the head of the Imperial armies, and, with the 
assistance of the latter, perpetrated a system of robbery which 
had never before been witnessed. 

In every village, in every market-place, in every town, where 
Protestants or suspected Protestantism existed, the sons of 
Loyola advanced with the victorious soldiery, and everywhere 
was it their first care to seize upon everything that the heretics 
possessed. It is true it was ostensibly not for themselves, but * 
for the Emperor, who bad the right to punish his rebellious 
subjects in this manner ; but the Emperor showed himself to be 
liberal, and assigned to the sons of Loyola fully the half of the 
forty millions of florins which, at the smallest calculation, the 
confiscated estates realised. Indeed, he handed over to them 
the greater portion of his own Crown lands, so that the pious 
Fathers obtained for themselves almost the .bird of the whole 
revenues of the country ! 

Such a colossal result had never before been witnessed in any 
Christian kingdom ; indeed, not even in Portugal, where they 
had reigned almost supreme during nearly two hundred years, 
€Ould they boast of the like. But, in spite of all this, the sons 
of Loyola had never enough, but they always strove to gain 
more and more— the best proof of their insatiableness after 
further acquisiüons. More especially they stretched out their 
greedy hands upon the University of Prague, and hoped to he 



able to take possession of this, the richest as well as the univer- 
sally celebrated high school of Germany, and the proper cradle 
of Protestantism, with as much ease as they had acquired that 
of Vienna. But in this they deceived themselves, as the 
"Karohna," so called after its founder, the Emperor Charles 
IV.. or, in other words, the University of Prague, did not, by 
any means, at the first sound of alarm, yield to the " Ferdi- 
nandeum," which was the name of the Jesuit college, founded 
in the year 1555 by the Emperor Ferdinand I., and even 
dared to offer resistance to the all-powerful dictate of the 
Emperor Ferdinand IL 

The affair happened thus. Immediately after the re-conquest 
of Bohemia for the Emperor Ferdinand, the Jesuits repre- 
sented to the latter that the Karolina had now become a 
patroness of heresy, and that, therefore, if it were desired to 
keep the youthful students pure from this poison, it was neces- 
sary to hand over the whole management of the University 

to the sons of Loyola. 

** Only they, the Jesuits, from their first institution had proved 
themselves to be capable of educating the young in the pure 
Cathoüc faith ; the other Catholic teachers, indeed, had shown 
themselves to be deficient in this respect all over Christendom. 
Were, then, the Karolina to be allowed its independent exist- 
ence as hitherto, were it not to be amalgamated with the Fer- 
dinandeum-if, in short, the resoluüon were not made that the 
Rector of the Jesuit College at Prague should at the same time 
be consututed Rector of the whole University, as also of its 
subordinate chanceUors— one might depend upon it that the 
professors at the Karolina would not teach in the spirit of the 
only saving faith, while, under the protection of any rector or 
chancellor of a different spirit, error and disbelief would always 
be liable to creep in." 

Thus did the Jesuits speak to the Emperor Ferdinand IL, 
and their officious creature, the Prince of Lichtenstein, at that 
time Governor of Bohemia, supported their representations 
with all his power. The Emperor, it must be acknowledged, 
wavered for a long time, because it appeared to him that he 
was about to annihilate, so to speak, by a stroke of the pen, the 
ancient privileges of the Karolina; but it is, indeed notorious 
how he could be brought over to do anything, through the bug- 



bear of heresy,' and thus, on the Qfh «» * ,. 
a decree in which he oied th! ^ T^'' ^'^''' ^' "«"«d 
with all its estates andTrSe „ ,7' " '' '''' ^"°"°«' 
the whole university m'2be a """' ''^ ^''^'^'' ^° *hat 

-deu.. XhesaidÄUlthrr"*^' '''' '^^ ^-'^'■ 

Ferdinandian C Jlefe oi it "° ^'"^^'"^"y '^"^ '''a' of th 

not stand in the way of a^ !».. «'^algamation shall 

aforesaid Universirythor/ ^r"'"" P"^"^^^« »^ 'he 

nance, destroy an/^deye» „7 ! ' '^"^' ''^ P'«-«" -<"■ 
to the an^algaUon ordZ d'Ty r "^ "'^'^ '^ ^"'^^"'^ 
;t is our will that the present /ect"; of ^rcX"" ''""^' 
according to the statutes of the S„nil * . ^^' «PPW^t^d 

sanie time Kector of the whole n^ '' ''^^'^ ^^ "' '^' 

externiinate hereby a^ Ii1,"T?"^' ""' "^ """''^'«'^ -^ 
n^aketothis dignity A^d 2 T 1 ^^""^ "^^^^ "^''-'^i«« 
the aforesaid BeC^ll t'; ^^ ^ i " '" " "'^"""'^ " 
"pper scliools in the town of Prl ;""' "' '^''° «^^ °^" 'b« 

toioliow the orders :fTe'Kr''o:"oft^r '''''"'' 
appoint to yisit the schools Bndl ? '" ''^"'" ^« ^^^^ 

whatever niade by him ^ one "T^^' "'"^ ""^ '"^"J«'"«" 
Beotor .n writing shT^l bf u holTd tluT"'" ''""^ '^^ 
m whatever Faculty it mav " °"!'"^ '° ^°'"><' any new school, 

aioresaid Bector^h^ ' r^^Llrof'^ il "' ^^ '"'^«^ '^'^ 
schools and colleges as w!ll » k "" P'"'""^' established 

estabhshedthrougitTethr L^rlT ''^ ^"'"^ ''^ 
we appoint the aforesaid Sector to hi ^^""'''- '^'^'^^ 

of heretics, and commit to C ou'r f- '"T'" ^' """'"^^ ■ 
^ the censorship over all h^ot^cr JT^ p^l^ 

^^ aifd tittTnot;: sr Ä '^ r -^ »'• -« 

of former PapflpriviWesr.rt'^^^^ 

chancellor aiid supr mTht d o th T? "" ''^^ ^----t 

heiore right," thought both 1 i^l "^ " ^^»'^^ «"- 

besides." said these wortnies tt thelZ'^ '^""^ ^ " ^^^ 

vueaiseives, the present moment 



18 a peculiarly favourable opportunity in order to carry through 
the said dictatorial decision." The Archbishopric of Prague was, 
just at that time, vacant by the death of the Archbishop Johann 
Lobelius, and Count Ernst Adalbert von Harrack had been 
selected to fill this office, who, having been brought up in 
the Collegium Germanicum in Rome, was known to be a ^reat 
persecutor of heresy. It was consequently hoped that he would 
not be so strict in insisting upon his archiepiscopal privileges, 
but that he would rather silently acquiesce, so to speak, in the 
usurpation. Scarcely, however, had Ernst Adalbert taken pos- 
session of his see, in the year 16Je3, than he presented to the 
Emperor a written complaint, in which he most energetically 
protested against the decree that had been issued, and, as this 
document was productive of no result in deterring the Jesuits 
from forcibly taking possession of all the estates appertaining 
to the University, he set out himself for Vienna, in order per- 
sonally there to prosecute his case. He also complained to 
Pope Urban VIII., and on this occasion described the machina- 
tions of the Jesuits in such bitter terms that one could not 
sufficiently wonder at his action. The following are the very 
words he employed : — 

" As soon as they (namely, the Jesuits) observed that T was 
determined to offer an earnest resistance to their presumptuous 
attempts, then they at once commenced to attack, partly openly 
and partly secretly, my archiepiscopal jurisdiction. More espe- 
cially they set about spreading abroad everywhere calumnies 
of every description, and, what was still more disgraceful, they 
so blackened at Court the characters of my servants and sup- 
porters, through anonymous libels and lampoons, that I could 
scarcely find anyone who would venture to enter into my 
service, or to stand by me as defender of my archiepiscopal 
rights. They have even so hounded on the clergy in my diocese, 
against me, that the latter defiantly deny obedience to me, and 
it has already come to such a height that, in verity, the Jesuits 
in this country exercise the archiepiscopal power, I holding 
nothing more than the mere title of Archbishop. May it not be 
called a strange contradiction to be solved, and one much to be 
wondered at, that a society which professes the glory of God to 
be the sole end and aim of its efforts should be so eager after 
worldly power and worldly possessions that they hesitate at 





nothing in ordor to obtain possession of both by their strenuous 
exertions. Indeed, they go so far as to persecute, with the most 
implacable hatred, all who do not bumbly submit themselves to 
their dictatorship, and, at the same time, prophesy the inevitable 
downfall of the Catholic Church whenever anyone does not, with 
slavish adoration, cringe at their feet and tolerate their usurpa- 
tions with cowardly submission ? *' The Archbishop wrote thus, 
with other like expressions, to Pope Urban VIII., and he did 
not express himself less sharply towards the Emperor and his 
ministers. In vain did Ferdinand II. endeavour to silence him 
by withdrawing from him, in the year 1 620, the right of patron- 
age in all ecclesiastical appointments and benefices in the royal 
- towns of Bohemia. In vain did the Pope nominate him, a year 
later, to be a Cardinal, in order to induce him to be more 
yielding and amenable. In vain did the Governor of Bohemia, 
Prince Lichtenstein, give himself all possible trouble to work 
upon the obstinate opposition of the ecclesiastical prince. Ernst 
Adalbert would not be conciliated, either by compromise or 
indulgence, and, as he had perfect right on his side, silence could 
not be in any way imposed upon him. On the other hand, 
however, the Emperor would not retract his decree, issned in 
favour of the Jesuits, under any circumstances; and also the 
Pope did not dare to form a decision inimical to the sons of 
Loyola. His Holiness was, indeed, by far too much indebted to 
this Emperor who supported, with so much success, the declining 
authority of the Roman Court, that he should run any risk of 
forfeiting such favour for any question as to rights and privileges ; 
and thus the contention lasted during fully sixteen years.- It 
was not, indeed, a mere contention, but an open veritable war ; 
as, besides the scurrilous lampoons which were launched respec- 
tively on both sides, it frequently cnme as far as broken heads, 
if the adherents of the one party happened to meet those of the 
other in the streets of Prague. 

Finally, Ferdinand II. died, and now the Pope had no 
further pretext to withhold any longer his decision. He deter- 
mined, then, on the 7th of January 1638, that the sons of 
Loyola should give back into the hands of the Emperor the 
Karolina of Prague, with all its estates, illegally acquired by a 
despotic command of the secular power. His Holiness, however, 

dare not by any means deliver it over to the Archbishop, but, on 
the contrary, nominated a secular ** Protector " as ruler thereof. 
This actually took place, and the first Protector nominated 
by the Emperor Ferdinand III., Friedrich von Tallemberg, 
undertook the supreme management of the University. But 
were the contending parties quieted thereby ? No, certainly 
not! The Jesuits not, because what they were desirious of 
retaining had been taken from them ; and the Archbishop not, 
because that to which hitherto he had a legal claim was not 
restored to him. On this account, after a short time, the 
contention arose afresh, and once more there abounded libels 
and galling lampoons, once more there was quarrelling, with 
cudgelling and broken heads. It would be, however, too 
tiresome for the reader, were I to describe the struggle in 
all its details ; consequently, I shortly remark that after a 
period of fifteen years, in the year 1653, a satisfactory com- 
promise was at length brought about between the exasperated 
disputants — a compromise, moreover, by which both parties were 
reconciled, although both contended that they had gained the 
day. It was settled that for the future the Karolina, amalga- 
mated with the Ferdinandeum, under the title of "Karl- 
Ferdinand's university," should form one single high-school, 
that the Jesuits should not, however, have charge of all the four 
faculties, but only those of theology and philosophy. Further, 
that to the Emperor should appertain the right of nominating 
even laymen to professorial chairs in jurisprudence and medicine, 
and that the Kectorate should be changed every year in this 
manner: that first a jurist, then a theologian, after that a 
medical professor, and lastly, a philosopher, should be nominated 
to hold that office out of the whole body of professors. More- 
over, it was decreed that the Senate of the two Secular Faculties 
— those, namely, of law and physic — should be in sole possession 
of, and have control over, the entire revenues of the old Karo- 
lina, and that the Archbishop of Prague should hold the title 
and dignity of Chancellor of the united " Karl-Ferdinand*8 
Universität,'' sc that all, including even the Jesuits, who were 
desirous of acquiring the degree of Doctor in any Faculty what- 
ever, must seek permission from him. That, however, he should 
not, as formerly, have unlimited power over the university, 

2? • 





there was appointed a secular Government plenipotentiary with 
the style and title of " Superintendent,*' without whose approval 
he could not introduce any government act whatever. These 
were the principal conditions of the compromise arranged in the 
year 1653; and was I not right in saying that hoth parties, 
while appearing to have gained thereby, had, however, in reality 

The Jesuits were not so narrow-minded as to limit their 
robbing operations to Austria only; but, on the contrary, 
extended them, indeed, over the whole of Germany, and in 
order to be enabled to effect this great result they caused the 
Emperor Ferdinand IL, who in the year 1629 stood at the 
zenith of his prosperity, to issue the uncommonly ill-famed 
Restitution Edict, in which it was conjoined that all ecclesiastical 
estates of which the Protestants had obtained possession since 
the Treaty of Passau in the year 1552, and that all the abbeys, 
cloisters, and other benefices whatever, which since the time 
mentioned had been abolished and secularized, should be restored 
to their former owners ; and as the Protestants, at that time, 
were completely powerless to do anything against the Imperial 
weapons, they were unable, to the great joy of the Catholics, to 
render any considerable opposition whatever to the carrying out 
of this imperious order. I said " to the great joy of the 
Catholics ; " I should have said, however, to the great joy of 
the sons of Loyola, as it soon appeared that the Emperor was in 
no way disposed to restore to the former ecclesiastical proprietors 
the church property which had been torn from the Evangelical 
party, but that his view, on the contrary, was to retain such 
property, lor the most part, in order to prosecute the war that 
was going on, and to leave the rest as a reward to the Jesuits for 
their faithful services. 

So the Restitution Edict was framed; and merely in order that 
they might gain booty the sons of Loyola induced the Emperor 
to issue this celebrated decree. Ferdinand IL, however, who 
perceived only too well that his interest went hand in hand 
with that of the pious Fathers, allowed himself to give free 
consent to all their propositions, and formally committed him- 
self to them in an autograph letter, addressed to Father Walter 
Mundhrodt in May 1629, indicating to him the localities and 

towns in which new settlements and enrichments could be most 
acceptably given them. And, now, when such was the case, 
could it be well imagined that the good Fathers would be guilty 
of showing too great reserve in relation to their desires ? Could 
it be imagined that they would not at once grasp everything 
that there was to seize, in place of waiting humbly until some 
crumbs fell of themselves to their share ? No, certainly the 
sons of Loyola cuuld not be reproached in this respect, as regards 
retaiuiug for themselves everything accorded to them by the 
Restituiion Edict. Byt, unfortunately, there was one hindrance, 
and one which could not be so easily got over ; it happened to 
stand recorded in the Restitution Edict, in order to give it an 
appearance of justice, that the abbeys and cloisters secularized 
since löö2 should be restored to their "former" proprietors, 
and these in the persons of Benedictines, Dominicans, Fran- 
ciscans, Prsemonstrats, Cistercians, and whatever else they might 
be denominated, not only announced themselves as such, but 
sent, without delay, the Abbots of Uassenfeld and Kaisersheim 
as a de^ utation to Vienna in order to prosecute their claims at 
the Court. This did not at ail please the sons of Loyola; they 
dissembled, however, and Father Lamormain, the Confessor of 
the Emperor, more especially treated the two deputies with as 
much Üattery as was possible. Thereupon, when he believed that 
he had quite succeeded in gaining them over, he gave his opinion 
that it would be lor their mutual benefit if they reciprocally 
came to an agreement, and added thereto the idea that they 
should hand over the nunneries, and some of the monk- 
cloisters also, to the Jesuits, for the erection of colleges, and 
that, on the other hand, the Society of Jesus should give its 
assurance not to lay claim to the remainder of the estates. 
But to this the two abbots could not permit themselves to agree ; 
so, declaring that they were not empowered to conclude such 
an agreement, they thereupon took their final departure from 

What did Father Lamormain do now? As soon as the 
abbots had gone, he hastened to the Emperor and assured him 
that they were quite ready to accept the proposed agreement, 
so that nothing in the least stood in the way of the cession of 
the whole of the nunneries secularized since 1552, as well as 




the said couple of monk« cloisters. The Emperor, of course, lent 
Lis most implicit belief to this assurance, as the words of his 
Father Confessor were as good for him as the solemn utterances 
of an oracle, and consequently an ordet was immediately issued 
to General Wallenstein, and to the Generals under him, to put 
the Jesuits in possession of the cloisters in question.